Search results for: privatisation%20of%20heritage

Authors: Mukunda Bastola, Frank Nyame-Asiamah

Abstract:

Economics explanation for privatisation, drawing on neo-liberal market structures and technical efficiency principles has failed to address social imbalance and, distribute the efficiency benefits accrued from privatisation equitably among service users and different classes of people in society. Stakeholders’ interest, which cover ethical values and changing human needs are ignored due to shareholders’ profit maximising strategy with higher service charges. The consequence of these is that, the existing justifications for privatisation have fallen short of customer quality expectations because the underlying plan-based models fail to account for the nuances of customer expectations. We draw on the theory of deferred action to develop a context-based privatisation model, the deferred-based privatisation model, to explain how privatisation could be strategised for the emergent reality of the wider stakeholders’ interests and everyday quality demands of customers which are unpredictable.

Keywords: privatisation, service quality, shareholders, deferred action, deferred-based privatisation model

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Authors: Roli Pradhan

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All over the globe, the resources of the government are declining, and the funding requirements in education are on a constant rise. The governments are desperately increasing the budgetary allocation for higher education, the economic plans have been labeling investment in higher education to be immensely vital for development of the nation. Still the fact is that the government of the developing nations like India lacks the potential to fund the rising demands of this sector. In the face of declining government funding for higher education, there are the growing needs and justifiable pressure for direct beneficiaries to bear a reasonable part of the cost of higher education. The supply-demand gap in higher education in India is on the increase. This paper evaluates the Indian National Education Policy over the past three decades, furnishes the need of financing of education by private players. The paper also covers the aspects of incorporating the different forms of financing in education and also focuses on the regulations pertaining to quality maintenance in the education system. The paper also targets to suggest policy imperatives for the future education policy for India.

Keywords: national education policy, privatisation, private financing, government funding

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Authors: Mohamed Elmeshad

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During the mid-1990's Egypt had become obliged to implement the Economic Reform and Structural Adjustment Program that included broad economic liberalization, expansion of the private sector and a contraction the size of government spending. This coincided as well with attempts to appear more democratic and open to liberalizing public space and discourse. At the same time, economic pressures and the proliferation of social media access and activism had led to increased pressure to open a mediascape and remove it from the clutches of the government, which had monopolized print and broadcast mass media for over 4 decades by that point. However, the mechanisms that governed the privatization of mass media allowed for sustained government control, even through the prism of ostensibly privately owned newspapers and television stations. These mechanisms involve barriers to entry from a financial and security perspective, as well as operational capacities of distribution and access to means of production. The power dynamics between mass media establishments and the state were moulded during this period in a novel way. Power dynamics within media establishments had also formed under such circumstances. The changes in the country's political economy itself somehow mirrored these developments. This paper will examine these dynamics and shed light on the political economy of Egypt's newly privatized mass media in the early 2000's especially. Methodology: This study will rely on semi-structured interviews from individuals involved with these changes from the perspective of the media organizations. It also will map out the process of media privatization by looking at the administrative, operative and legislative institutions and contexts in order to attempt to draw conclusions on methods of control and the role of the state during the process of privatization. Finally, a brief discourse analysis will be necessary in order to aptly convey how these factors ultimately reflected on media output. Findings and conclusion: The development of Egyptian private, “independent” mirrored the trajectory of transitions in the country’s political economy. Liberalization of the economy meant that a growing class of business owners would explore opportunities that such new markets would offer. However the regime’s attempts to control access to certain forms of capital, especially in sectors such as the media affected the structure of print and broadcast media, as well as the institutions that would govern them. Like the process of liberalisation, much of the regime’s manoeuvring with regards to privatization of media had been haphazardly used to indirectly expand the regime and its ruling party’s ability to retain influence, while creating a believable façade of openness. In this paper, we will attempt to uncover these mechanisms and analyse our findings in ways that explain how the manifestations prevalent in the context of a privatizing media space in a transitional Egypt provide evidence of both the intentions of this transition, and the ways in which it was being held back.

Keywords: business, mass media, political economy, power, privatisation

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Authors: Anna Savchenko

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The dissolution of the Soviet Union brought about a wave of decolonisation throughout the Soviet space in the 1990s. While this emancipation ushered in an era of reform in the newly independent states, it also opened up the opportunity for countries such as Ukraine to be (re)colonised by a different ruling power: the European Union. Ukraine’s relationship with the EU has been further complicated by the fact that the country’s political leadership has aligned itself with a Western agenda of democratisation. This article challenges the neoliberal belief that the global market can spurn democratisation by analysing the way in which market privatisation in Ukraine has allowed for mass corruption to flourish. I submit that neoliberalism, or the sheer force of the global market, is just as colonising as modern-day imperialism has proven to be by providing an analytical synthesis of Russia and Ukraine’s century-old conflict. The EU’s demonstrated inability to mediate cross-border conflict in the region foreshadows that Ukraine may have been economically colonised by another failing state.

Keywords: neoliberalism, imperealism, Russian-Ukrainian conflict, democratisation, colonisation

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Authors: Avani Saraswat

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The paper studies the present condition of Taj Mahal (the UNESCO world heritage site) and the reasons behind deterioration. Analysis is done to explore the reasons behind this building to be included in the list of adopt heritage scheme, by the Government of India. The aim is to find out the future effects on Taj Mahal after being adopted by a private body. Finally, it suggests solutions which can lead to improvement of the present condition of the building. In order to establish a research, a further analysis is done through a case study of Red Fort, New Delhi (another UNESCO world heritage site). This monument was given to Dalmia Group of India Pvt. Ltd. for the tenure of 5 years. Paper discusses the consequences of privatization on Red Fort and then analyze it for Taj Mahal. It terms monument as riches of a heritage chest, not as a commercial tourist place. The study is concluded with the ideas and suggestions proposed for saving Taj Mahal and advantages on improving the health of the building.

Keywords: privatisation of heritage, heritage, Taj Mahal, adopt heritage scheme

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Authors: Disha Batra

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With the advent of economic reforms in India in 1992, economic journalism in India has undergone a sea change along with the rise in the Indian economy. Squeezing out of economic news stories (economy-in-general) over business (individual corporate stories) and financial (financial and equity markets) news stories have been done and are still underway. The objective of the study is to explore how economic journalism – news stories about macroeconomic issues or economy-in-general has changed over the past three decades with the emergence of LPG (Liberalisation, Privatisation, and Globalisation) policies in India. The purpose of the study is to examine to what extent business and financial news are constricting economic news which is done by analysing news stories and content of business papers. The study is based on the content analyses of the top three Indian business dailies as per IRS (Indian Readership Survey) 2017. The parametric analysis of the different parameters (source of information, sub-topic, a dominant source in economic news, layout and framing, etc.) has been done in order to come across with the distinct adaptations and modifications by these dailies. The paper significantly dwells upon the thematic analysis of these newspapers in order to explore and find out the coverage given to various sub-themes of EBF (economic, business, and financial) journalism. The study revealed that stories concerning broader issues about the economy which are likely to be of public concern had been dropped. The paper further indicates an upward trend for the stories concerning individual corporate, equity, and financial markets. Findings of the study raise concern over the indicated disparity between economic and business news stories which may further limit the information that people need in order to make well-versed decisions.

Keywords: business-papers, business news, economic news, financial news

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Authors: Odufu Ifakachukwu Clifford

Abstract:

Developing country governments are struggling to meet the basic needs and demands of citizens, especially so for the rural poor. With tightly constrained budgets, these governments have followed the lead of developed countries that have sought to restructure public service delivery through privatization, contracting out, public-private partnerships, and similar reforms. Such reforms in service delivery are generally welcomed when it is believed that private sector partners are better equipped to provide certain services than are governments. With respect to basic and essential services, however, a higher degree of uncertainty and apprehension exists as the focus shifts from simply minimizing the costs of delivering services to broadening access to all citizens. The constitution stipulates that everyone has the right to have access to sufficient food and water. Affordable and/or subsidized water, then, is not a privilege but a basic right of all citizens. Citizens elect political representatives to serve in office, with their sole mandate being to provide for the needs of the citizenry. As governments pass on some amount of responsibility for service delivery to private businesses, these governments must be able to exercise control in order to account to the people for the work done by private partners. This paper examines the legislative and policy frameworks as well as the environment within which PPPs take place in South Africa and the extent to which accountability can be strengthened in this environment. Within the aforementioned backdrop of PPPs and accountability, the constricted focus area of the paper aims to assess the extent to which the provision of clean and safe consumable water in South Africa is sustainable, cost-effective in terms of provision, and affordable to all.

Keywords: privatisation, accountability, essential services, government

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Authors: Dimitrios Dimitriou, Maria Sartzetaki

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In the early days of the of civil aviation, airports are totally state-owned companies under the control of national authorities or regional governmental bodies. From that time the picture has totally changed and airports privatisation and airport business commercialisation are key success factors to stimulate air transport demand, generate revenues and attract investors, linked to reliable and resilience of air transport system. Nowadays, airport's corporate strategy deals with policies and actions, affecting essential the business plans, the financial targets and the economic footprint in a regional economy they serving. Therefore, exploring airport corporate strategy is essential to support the decision in business planning, management efficiency, sustainable development and investment attractiveness on one hand; and define policies towards traffic development, revenues generation, capacity expansion, cost efficiency and corporate social responsibility. This paper explores key outputs in airport corporate strategy for different ownership schemes. The airport corporations are grouped in three major schemes: (a) Public, in which the public airport operator acts as part of the government administration or as a corporised public operator; (b) Mixed scheme, in which the majority of the shares and the corporate strategy is driven by the private or the public sector; and (c) Private, in which the airport strategy is driven by the key aspects of globalisation and liberalisation of the aviation sector. By a systemic approach, the key drivers in corporate strategy for modern airport business structures are defined. Key objectives are to define the key strategic opportunities and challenges and assess the corporate goals and risks towards sustainable business development for each scheme. The analysis based on an extensive cross-sectional dataset for a sample of busy European airports providing results on corporate strategy key priorities, risks and business models. The conventional wisdom is to highlight key messages to authorities, institutes and professionals on airport corporate strategy trends and directions.

Keywords: airport corporate strategy, airport ownership, airports business models, corporate risks

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Authors: Konstantine Eristavi

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The paper will contribute to the discussion on the pitfalls, limits, and possibilities of legal and rights discourse in opposing large infrastructural projects in the context of neoliberal globalisation. To this end, the paper will analyse the struggle against the Namakhvani HPP project in Georgia. The latter has been hailed by the government as one of the largest energy projects in the history of the country, with an enormous potential impact on energy security, energy independence, economic growth, and development. This takes place against the backdrop of decades of market-led -or neoliberal- model of development in Georgia, characterised by structural adjustments, deregulation, privatisation, and Laissez-Fair approach to foreign investment. In this context, the Georgian state vies with other low and middle-income countries for foreign capital by offering to potential investors, on the one hand, exemptions from social and environmental regulations and, on the other hand, huge legal concessions and safeguards, thereby participating in what is often called a “race to the bottom.” The Namakhvani project is a good example of this. At every stage, the project has been marred with violations of laws and regulations concerning transparency, participation, social and environmental regulations, and so on. Moreover, the leaked contract between the state and the developer reveals the contractual safeguards which effectively insulate the investment throughout the duration of the contract from the changes in the national law that might adversely affect investors’ rights and returns. These clauses, aimed at preserving investors' economic position, place the contract above national law in many respects and even conflict with fundamental constitutional rights. In response to the perceived deficiencies of the project, one of the largest and most diverse social movements in the history of post-soviet Georgia has been assembled, consisting of the local population, conservative and leftist groups, human rights and environmental NGOs, etc. Crucially, the resistance movement is actively using legal tools. In order to analyse both the limitations and possibilities of legal discourse, the paper will distinguish between internal and immanent critiques. Law as internal critique, in the context of the struggles around the Namakhvani project, while potentially fruitful in hindering the project, risks neglecting and reproducing those factors -e.g., the particular model of development- that made such contractual concessions and safeguards and concomitant rights violations possible in the first place. On the other hand, the use of rights and law as part of immanent critique articulates a certain incapacity on the part of the addressee government to uphold existing laws and rights due to structural factors, hence, pointing to a need for a fundamental change. This 'ruptural' form of legal discourse that the movement employs makes it possible to go beyond the discussion around the breaches of law and enables a critical deliberation on the development model within which these violations and extraordinary contractual safeguards become necessary. It will be argued that it is this form of immanent critique that expresses the emancipatory potential of legal discourse.

Keywords: law, resistance, development, rights

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