Search results for: politics

Authors: Juan Sanmartín Bastida

Abstract:

When a country experiences a period of transition from authoritarianism to democracy, involving an earlier process of political liberalization and a later process of democratization, a cycle of protest usually outbreaks, as there is a reciprocal influence between that kind of political change and the frequency and scale of social protest events. That is what happened in Spain during the first years of its transition to democracy from the Francoist authoritarian regime, roughly between November 1975 and December 1978. Thus, the object of this study is to show and explain how that cycle of protest started, developed, and finished in relation to such a political change, and offer specific information about the main features of all protest cycles: the social movements that arose during that period, the number of protest events by month, the forms of collective action that were utilized, the groups of challengers that engaged in contentious politics, the reaction of the authorities to the action and claims of those groups, etc. The study of this cycle of protest, using the primary sources and analytical tools that characterize the model of research of protest cycles, will make a contribution to the field of contentious politics and its phenomenon of cycles of contention, and more broadly to the political and social history of contemporary Spain. The cycle of protest and the process of political liberalization of the authoritarian regime began around the same time, but the first concluded long before the process of democratization was completed in 1982. The ascending phase of the cycle and therefore the process of liberalization started with the death of Francisco Franco and the proclamation of Juan Carlos I as King of Spain in November 1975; the peak of the cycle was around the first months of 1977; the descending phase started after the first general election of June 1977; and the level of protest stabilized in the last months of 1978, a year that finished with a referendum in which the Spanish people approved the current democratic constitution. It was then when we can consider that the cycle of protest came to an end. The primary sources are the news of protest events and social movements in the three main Spanish newspapers at the time, other written or audiovisual documents, and in-depth interviews; and the analytical tools are the political opportunities that encourage social protest, the available repertoire of contention, the organizations and networks that brought together people with the same claims and allowed them to engage in contentious politics, and the interpretative frames that justify, dignify and motivates their collective action. These are the main four factors that explain the beginning, development and ending of the cycle of protest, and therefore the accompanying social movements and events of collective action. Among those four factors, the political opportunities -their opening, exploitation, and closure-proved to be most decisive.

Keywords: contentious politics, cycles of protest, political opportunities, social movements, Spanish transition to democracy

Procedia PDF Downloads 103

Authors: Annamarie Rannou, Horace Bartilow

Abstract:

Global concerns about xenophobic activity are on the rise across developed and developing countries. And yet, social science scholarship has almost exclusively examined xenophobia as a prejudice of advanced western nations. This research argues that the fields of study related to xenophobia must be re-conceptualized within a framework of ethnicity in order to level the playing field for cross-regional inquiry. This study develops a new concept of ethnic xenophobia and integrates existing explanations of anti-migrant expression into theories of ethnic threat. We argue specifically that political elites convert economic, political, and social threats at the national level into ethnic xenophobic activity in order to gain or maintain political advantage among their native selectorate. We expand on Stuart Kaufman’s theory of symbolic politics to underscore the methods of mobilization used against migrants and the power of elite discourse in moments of national crises. An original dataset is used to examine over 35,000 cases of ethnic xenophobic activity targeting refugees. Wordscores software is used to develop a unique measure of anti-migrant elite rhetoric which captures the symbolic discourse of elites in their mobilization of ethnic xenophobic activism. We use a Structural Equation Model (SEM) to test the causal pathways of the theory across seventy-two developed and developing countries from 1990 to 2016. A framework of Most Different Systems Design (MDSD) is also applied to two pairs of developed-developing country cases, including Kenya and the Netherlands and Lebanon and the United States. This study sheds tremendous light on an underrepresented area of comparative research in migration studies. It shows that the causal elements of anti-migrant activity are far more similar than existing research suggests which has major implications for policy makers, practitioners, and academics in fields of migration protection and advocacy. It speaks directly to the mobilization of myths surrounding refugees, in particular, and the nationalization of narratives of migration that may be neutralized by the development of deeper associational relationships between natives and migrants.

Keywords: refugees, ethnicity, symbolic politics, elites, migration, comparative politics

Procedia PDF Downloads 121

Authors: Dani Karmakar

Abstract:

In India, the journey of street theatre was started with Indian peoples Theatre Association (IPTA) as a tool for anti-establishment that was categorized as by the people and for the people. It has expressed common people’s feelings, problems, day to day life. It has brought a social change that is downtrodden. By its nature, it is based on communist ideology. Street theatre is a theatre of protest. In India, many folk theatres translate directly ‘Street Theatre’, those are Veedhi Natakam in Andhra Pradesh and Therukoothu in Tamil Nadu. But they do not covey to common definition of street theatre. There are different folk theatres of different regions in India. All folk theatres have individual characteristic, criteria, taste and flavor that can render distinctive each others. In festivals or special occasions, whole communities come together to enjoy collectively and express their feelings. The Veedhi Natakam means 'street theatre'. Theru koothu is a traditional street theatre in the northern districts of Tamilnadu. Folk theatre has potential to deliver strong messages. It has a socially significant role. At Veedhi Natakam, Vidhushaka takes part for social criticism. Gambhira is also a socio-political folk drama presentation in West Bengal.

Keywords: folk theatre, Gambhira, politics, street theatre

Procedia PDF Downloads 316

Authors: Lisa Mockli, Chelsea Sambells

Abstract:

By combining the methodologies of history and translation studies, this study will explore the interplay between humanitarian action, politics, and translation within the advertising for a lesser-known Swiss child evacuation project of some 60.000 Belgium and French children to Switzerland for three month periods from 1940 to 1945. Inspired by Descriptive-Explanatory Translation Studies, this project compares Swiss speeches published between May and September 1942 (the termination of the evacuations). Radio broadcasts, leaflets and newspapers will triangulate the data. First, linguistic and content-related differences will be identified and described. Second, based on findings from the Swiss Federal Archives, the evidence from the comparative textual analysis will then be evaluated in order to explore how the speeches were modified, for what purpose, and which key issues were raised during their modification. By exploring these questions, this paper provides new insights into (I) Switzerland’s understanding of Swiss neutrality and humanitarianism during the Second World War, (II) the role of children in war and (III) the role of translation in shaping political discourse and humanitarian action. Moreover, this interdisciplinary approach also demonstrates how scholarly collaboration may help to make some elements of humanitarian action more self-reflexive and effective.

Keywords: children, history, humanitarianism, politics, translation

Procedia PDF Downloads 266

Authors: Beth Vale

Abstract:

Academic research has often neglected the city after dark. Surprisingly little consideration has been given to the every night life of cities: the spatial tactics and creative insurgencies of urban residents when night falls. The focus on ‘pleasure’ in the nocturnal city has often negated the subtle politics of night-time play, embedded in expressions of identity, attachment and resistance. This paper investigates Johannesburg nightclubs as sites of quotidian political labour, through which young people contest social space and their place in it, thereby contributing to the city’s effective and socio-political cartography. The tactical remodelling of the nocturnal city through nightclubbing traces lines of desire (material, emotional, sexual), affiliation, and fear. These in turn map onto young people’s expressions of their social and political identities, as well as their attempts at place-making in a ‘post-apartheid’ context. By examining the micro-politics of the cities' nightclubs, this paper speaks back to an earlier post-94 literature, which regularly characterised Johannesburg youth as superficial, individualist and idealistic. Similarly, some might position nightclubs as sites of frivolous consumption or liberatory permissiveness. Yet because nightclub spaces are racialised, classed and gendered, historically-signified and socially regulated, they are also profoundly political. Through ordinary encounters on the cities' dancefloors, young Jo’burgers are imagining, contesting and negotiating their socio-political identities and indeed their claims to the city. Meanwhile, the politics of this generation of youth, who are increasingly critical of the utopian post-apartheid city, are being increasingly inserted and coopted into night-time cultures. Data for this study was gathered through five months of ethnographic fieldwork in Johannesburg nightclubs, including over 120 hours of participant observation and in-depth interviews with organisers and partygoers. Interviewees recognised that parties, rather than being simple frivolity, are a cacophony of celebration, mourning, worship, rage, rebellion and attachment. Countering standard associations between partying and escapism, party planners, venue owners and nightclub audiences were infusing night-time infrastructures with the aesthetics of politics and protest. Not unlike parties, local political assemblies so often rely on music, dance, the occupation of space, and a heaving crowd. References to social movements, militancy and anti-establishment emerged in nightclub themes, dress codes and décor. Metaphors of fire crossed over between party and protest, both of which could be described as having ‘been lit’ or having ‘brought flames’. More so, young people’s articulations of the city’s night-time geography, and their place in it, reflected articulations of race, class and ideological affiliation. The location, entrance fees and stylistic choices of one’s chosen club destination demarcated who was welcome, while also signalling membership to a particular politics (whether progressive or materialistic, inclusive or elitist, mainstream or counter-culture). Because of their ability to divide and unite, aggravate and titillate, mask and reveal, club cultures might offer a mirror to the complex socialities of a generation of Jo’burg youth, as they inhabit, and bring into being, a contemporary South African city.

Keywords: affect, Johannesburg, nightclub, nocturnal city, politics

Procedia PDF Downloads 199

Authors: Gang Wang

Abstract:

Education is widely believed to be a prerequisite for democracy and civil society, but the causal link between education and outcome variables is usually hardly to be identified. This study applies a fuzzy regression discontinuity design to examine the effects of college education on democratic attitudes in the Chinese context. In the analysis treatment assignment is determined by students’ college entry years and thus naturally selected by subjects’ ages. Using a sample of Chinese college students collected in Beijing in 2009, this study finds that college education actually reduces undergraduates’ motivation for political development in China but promotes political loyalty to the authoritarian government. Further hypotheses tests explain these interesting findings from two perspectives. The first is related to the complexity of politics. As college students progress over time, they increasingly realize the complexity of political reform in China’s authoritarian regime and rather stay away from politics. The second is related to students’ career opportunities. As students are close to graduation, they are immersed with job hunting and have a reduced interest in political freedom.

Keywords: china, college education, democratic attitudes, regression discontinuity

Procedia PDF Downloads 318

Authors: Nura Suleiman

Abstract:

The democratic dispensation in Nigeria witnessed allot of changes since its beginning up to the 2015 election. The issues of zoning formula, rigging, money politics, god fatherism, and political thuggery among the youths became the centre stage from 1999-2014. But 2015 came with new tune that brings about a little shift from the traditional politics mentioned above, the political socialisation and knowledge penetrated into the sense of electorate where people suddenly change and look for the better option. The paper will examine the democratic change in relation to the 2015 General election which brings General MohammaduBuhari on the mantle of leadership of Nigeria. Many reasons were attributed to the sudden change of government in Nigeria, but the major ones are lack of good governance, corruption, insecurity, political parties’ merger to formed APCand change in INEC leadership. Others are weakness of the leadership and undemocratic nature of PDP government at different level in the country. The glamor for change became necessary because People become more informs about the manifestation of good hope and better Nigeria from the major opposition party (APC). During 2015 election the electorate voted the incumbent government out and replaced it with their choice.

Keywords: democracy, election, insecurity, good governance

Procedia PDF Downloads 240

Authors: Rosyidah Muhamad

Abstract:

This article seeks to access the democratic implication of new media in Malaysia through three important key points of deliberative democracy; information access, rational critical deliberation and mechanism of vertical accountability. The article suggests that the Internet is expanding political opportunity in which contributed to a more diverse discourse. It is depending on how users used it; for democratic or non-democratic outcome. The Internet has been a key instrument in exposing human rights abuse, corruption, organizing protests and mobilizing voters during election campaigns. It therefore pushes for transparency and accountability and thus increasing the rise of deliberative democracy in Malaysia. While there are some elements of an emerging deliberative politics, it is also clear that the Malaysian online political discourse is acting as moderate forms of discourse as the sphere increasingly exist in a chaotic and diversified online discourse. Yet, the online sphere still allows citizens to discuss public affairs. When the public opinion is strong enough, it can influence public policies to ensure that they reflect the public interest. It is suggesting an increased space of negotiation and contestation among the previously muzzled offline situation. This is a big step in the progress democracy in Malaysia.

Keywords: Keywords: New Media, democratization, deliberative democracy, Malaysian politics

Procedia PDF Downloads 273

Authors: Olajumoke Tolulope Esan, Odunayo Stephen Faluse

Abstract:

Nigeria’s electoral politics from independence has been tumultuous. Violence has continued to damage the conduct of almost all general elections in Nigeria, Thereby making free and fair elections an event that seems to be unachievable in the history of the nation’s politics. Apparently, electoral violence has subjected the Nation into stereotyped electoral procedures that are always dictated through powerful political Godfathers. However, the shameful act of riotous and tumultuous election processes has led to a political, national instability festering irregularities that manifest at different stages of the election, thus subjecting almost all elections carried out in Nigeria below the minimum democracy standard. Hence the fact that an average Nigerian is being deprived of his or her individual electoral rights should be enough to attract Global political interventions from the western world as Nigeria is part of the commonwealth countries and every Nigerians have the right to demand for posterity to be ensured by protecting individual rightful votes. Basically for elections to be termed democratic, it must be free and fair. In view of this, A deep understanding of this paper is a reflection on the tides of electoral violence and the alarming precipitating factors that make free and fair election almost unreachable in Nigeria.

Keywords: democracy, election, electoral violence, political violence

Procedia PDF Downloads 393

Authors: Monica Dantas

Abstract:

At what socio-economic costs can the food industry offer products at low prices? This research seeks to understand and to explore how we attribute competence and meaning, what enables the outcomes of agriculture and what institutions provides validation regarding food production. This study objective is to explain and interpret conditions of the present state of agriculture in Brazil centring on two distinct segments, agribusiness and family farming, as the Brazilian, rapidly changing political environment unfolds. The approach is grounded in multidisciplinary literature drawing from the politics of development, the sociology of food, the sustainability framework and the conceptual differences between agribusiness and family farming regarding the innate purpose of the two segments. In addition, a quantitative portion of the research includes secondary data analysis from statistical measurements, economic indicators, federal budget information, and census data to compare the two segments, conveying a general snapshot of the conditions investigated. The results raised questions about the perceived image of the success of agribusiness, against some contradicting economic checks and balances. Analyzing how public funds are invested in agriculture shed light on what can enable or undermine the development of food systems in Brazil. It also revealed how politics, ideology, and corporations might influence the Brazilian Federal. In the 2000-2018 observed timeline of annual federal spending on agriculture in Brazil, there is variation in the amount invested in family farming that seems to 'coincide' with the ideological direction of the federal government in power. It was also observed that significant changes in the institutional framework and financial support either promoted or purposely undermined family farming importance using public institutions to validate support for agribusiness.

Keywords: food politics, sustainability, family farming, food system, public budget

Procedia PDF Downloads 94

Authors: Xabier Barandiaran, Igone Guerra

Abstract:

The economic and financial crisis that hit European countries in 2008 revealed the inability of governments to respond unilaterally to the so-called “wicked” problems that affect our societies. Closely linked to this, the increasing disaffection of citizens towards politics has resulted in growing distrust of the citizenry not only in the institutions in general but also in the political system, in particular. Precisely, these two factors provoked the action of the local government of Gipuzkoa (Basque Country) to move from old ways of “doing politics” to a new way of “thinking politics” based on a collaborative approach, in which innovative modes of public decision making are prominent. In this context, in 2015, the initiative Etorkizuna Eraikiz (Building the Future), a contemporary form of networked governance, was launched by the Provincial Government. The paper focuses on the Etorkizuna Eraikiz initiative, a sound commitment from a local government to build jointly with the citizens the future of the territory. This paper will present preliminary results obtained from three different experiences of co-creation developed within Etorkizuna Eraikiz in which the formulation of networked governance is a mandatory pre-requisite. These experiences show how the network building approach among the different agents of the territory as well as the co-creation of public policies is the cornerstone of this challenging mission. Through the analysis of the information and documentation gathered during the four years of Etorkizuna-Eraikiz, and, specifically by delving into the strategy promoted by the initiative, some emerging analytical conclusions resulting from the promotion of this collaborative culture will be presented. For example, some preliminary results have shown a significant positive relationship between shared leadership and the formulation of the public good. In the period 2016-2018, a total of 73 projects were launched and funding by the Provincial Government of Gipuzkoa within the Etorkizuna Eraikiz initiative, that indicates greater engagement of the citizenry in the process of policy-making and therefore improving, somehow, the quality of the public policies. These statements have been supported by the last survey about the perspectives of the citizens toward politics and policies. Some of the more prominent results show us that there is still a high level of distrust in Politics (78,9% of respondents) but a greater trust in institutions such the Political Government of Gipuzkoa (40,8% of respondents declared as “good” the performance of this provincial institution). Regarding the Etorkizuna Eraikiz Initiative, it is being more readily recognized by citizens over this period of time (25,4% of the respondents in June 2018 agreed to know about the initiative giving it a mark of 5,89 ) and thus build trust and a sense of ownership. Although, there is a clear requirement for further research on the linkages between collaborative governance and level of trust, the paper, based on these findings, will provide some managerial and theoretical implications for collaborative governance in the territory.

Keywords: network governance, collaborative governance, public sector innovation, citizen participation, trust

Procedia PDF Downloads 96

Authors: K. C. Mujeebu Rahman

Abstract:

Over the years, discussions in India regarding personal law in India have focused on its deficiencies, increasing involvement of the judiciary, and the pursuit of uniformity. However, little attention has been given to understanding how the law functions in a multicultural nation committed to political secularism. This paper addresses this gap by exploring the mahallu system in Malabar, shedding light on the decision-making process within Muslim personal law. It reveals that this process is deeply rooted in everyday micro-politics, sectarian dynamics, social pressure, and emotions. Through an in-depth examination of a triple talaq case, the paper demonstrates how love (or the lack of it), family expectations, and community authority intersect in resolving marital disputes. Instead of a straightforward legal interpretation, this process leads to a complex maze of micro-politics involving local religious factions and authorities. The paper underscores that the non-state quasi-legal institutions within the mahallu system represent a distinct form of legal pluralism characterized by intricate power dynamics at multiple levels. Moreover, it highlights the interplay between what is considered legally valid and what is deemed socially legitimate.

Keywords: islamic law, sharia, fatwa, muslim personal law

Procedia PDF Downloads 36

Authors: Jummai Aliyu Mohammed

Abstract:

The Sapir-Whorfian hypothesis postulates that the structure of a language determines the way in which species of that language view the world. It also states that the culture of a people finds reflection in their language. Consequently language becomes a vehicle of thought; a channel through which negative stereotypes of women is created and also one through which such images are dispelled. Women are generally portrayed as weaker vessels and inferior to men; a position which draws a counter reaction from women through their writings. In their writings, they attempt to reinvent womanhood and liberate the woman from the hitherto negative light they were portrayed. This position best describes the term feminism which argues that women be given equal rights in all spheres of life as men. This paper attempts to evaluate Ba’s ‘So Long a Letter’ and Alkali’s ‘The Stillborn’ with the view to identify the relationship between language and feminism. In evaluating this relationship, the paper concludes that there are several factors responsible for the variation in the speech pattern of male and female. All of these factors favour the male gender and further condemns the woman to oppression. Although the writers come from two different cultural backgrounds, the works amplify feminism and captured them as apostles of feminism.

Keywords: feminism, language, politics, Sapir-Whorfian hypothesis

Procedia PDF Downloads 141

Authors: Yasemin Gülşen Yılmaz, Süleyman Hakan Yılmaz, Muhammet Erbay

Abstract:

Social media is among the most important means of communication. Social media offers individuals and groups with an opportunity for participatory socialization over the internet, which is free of any time and place restrictions. Social media is a kind of interactive communication and bilateral social network. Various communication contents can be shared and put into mass circulation easily and quickly through social media. These sharings are not only limited to individuals but also happen to groups, institutions, and different constitutions. Their contents consist of any type of written message, audio and video files. We are living in the social media era now. It is not surprising that social media which has extensive communication facilities and massive prevalence is used in politics. Therefore, the use of social media (Facebook) by political parties during the Turkish general elections held on June 7, 2015, has been chosen as our research subject. Four parties namely, AKP, CHP, MHP and HDP who have the majority of votes in Turkey and participate in elections in Konya have been selected for our study. Their provincial centers’ and parliamentary candidates` use of social media (Facebook) on the last three days prior to the election have been examined and subjected to a qualitative analysis by means of content analysis.

Keywords: social media, June 7 general elections, politics, Facebook

Procedia PDF Downloads 363

Authors: Tara Chanady

Abstract:

Through 21 walking interviews with women from various backgrounds and positionalities, this study examines issues of identity politics in Montreal’s sociocultural space. The research looks at the social, political and economical implications of claiming or refusing identifications amongst women of sexual diversity (e.g. defining as lesbian, queer, bi, pan, fluid or not wanting to identity). The results are analysed from a phenomenological perspective, paying attention to the participants personal interpretations and perspectives, as well as contextualising the interviews in time and space. Using intersectional insights, this study pays attention to varying social positions, including immigration status (newly immigrated, rural to city immigration, Montreal-born, seeking asylum), age (20 to 80), gender (cis, trans and intersex women), relationship style (monogamous and polyamorous) and class. Preliminary findings include a generational shift in issues (e.g. community politics within lesbian communities in the 1980s), varying perspectives on the need of exclusive and safe spaces, shifts in issues of racism and transphobia and identifying points of tensions within conceptualisations of queer and lesbian positionalities.

Keywords: identifications, lesbian, queer, sexual orientation

Procedia PDF Downloads 108

Authors: Firmanda Taufiq

Abstract:

Turkey as a country with great political power and political dynamics that occurred in Turkey shows symptoms that make this country interesting enough to be studied. In addition, there is also Post-Islamism phenomenon that causes fluctuations and changes in Turkish politics. In this regard, Turkey carved out history by holding a referendum that changed the state system from a parliamentary system with a presidential system. This change has major implications in the life of Turkish society and politics. The condition is not only influenced by the government of Recep Tayyib Erdogan alone, but actually there is also anxiety middle class Turkish (Middle Class Anatolia). So there was a Turkish referendum held on 16 April 2017. This research using descriptive-analysis method to analyzing problems of research, that's how the post-Islamism situation in Turkey and Anatolian Middle Class impact to Turkish referendum. Actually, the political process that took place in Turkey is inseparable from Post-Islamism which became an important part in the change and transition of government system. The AKP Party as the basis of the Erdogan government movement became an important actor in the political and policy dynamics produced by the Erdogan government. It is then why the Turkish referendum took place.

Keywords: post-Islamism, Turkish politic, AKP, middle class Anatolia

Procedia PDF Downloads 454

Authors: Nefi Aris Ambar Asmara

Abstract:

This paper discusses gender equality and career opportunities among female civil servants for better public services in a regency in West Java, Indonesia. Those two areas have not been considered comprehensively in terms of the goals of gender equality and career opportunities. The purposes of this paper are to describe (1) the number of available positions in relation to the number of female civil servants, (2) the socio-cultural outlook on female civil servants in relation to gender equality and career opportunities, and (3) socio-cultural views on gender equality and a career in politics. To achieve these three objectives, this paper used a qualitative approach with survey and interview techniques. The results showed that (1) only 37% of the official positions were presided by female civil servants. In contrast, male civil servants occupy 63% of the available positions, (2) the sociocultural view of female civil servants affirms that they are still regarded as male companions; (3) in addition, female civil servants do not need to compete with gender opponents, including the fact that women enter politics because the political world is considered dirty for women.

Keywords: gender equality, career opportunities, female civil servants, Indonesia

Procedia PDF Downloads 111

Authors: Nefi Aris Ambar Asmara

Abstract:

This paper discusses gender equality and career opportunities among female civil servants for better public services in a regency in West Java, Indonesia. Those two areas have not been considered comprehensively in terms of the goals of gender equality and career opportunities. The purposes of this paper are to describe (1) the number of available positions in relation to the number of female civil servants, (2) the socio-cultural outlook on female civil servants in relation to gender equality and career opportunities and (3) socio-cultural views on gender equality and a career in politics. To achieve these three objectives, this paper used a qualitative approach with survey and interview techniques. The results showed that (1) only 37% of the official positions were presided by female civil servants. In contrast, male civil servants occupy 63% of the available positions, (2) the sociocultural view of female civil servants affirms that they are still regarded as male companions; (3) in addition, female civil servants do not need to compete with gender opponents, including the fact that women enter politics because the political world is considered dirty for women.

Keywords: gender equality, career opportunities, female civil servants, indonesia

Procedia PDF Downloads 46

Authors: Kowit Pimpuang

Abstract:

Through analysis of the Pali-Sanskrit (PL-SKT) terms and their uses in reflecting political society of Thailand, the objectives of this study were to explore PL-SKT word formation and its semantic changes employed in the political society of Thailand and to explore the political reflection of Thai society through their uses. Conceptual framework of this study consists of (1) use of PL-SKT word formation namely, primary derivative (Kitaka), secondary derivative (Tathita), compound (Samasa) and prefix (Upasagga), (2) semantic changes namely; widening, narrowing and transferring of meaning, and (3) political reflection of Thai society. Qualitative method was employed in this study and data were collected from Thai Newspapers. It was found that there were uses of the four kinds of word formation in formatting the new political terms concerned namely, primary derivative, secondary derivative, compound and prefix leading by compound through the following three semantic changes; widening, narrowing and transferring, in order to make clear in understanding. Furthermore, PL-SKT terms were employed in reflecting Thai politics caused by democratic conflicts through the bureaucracy, plutocracy, businessocracy and juristocracy respectively. Later, there have been political business groups and their corruption problems in political society of Thailand.

Keywords: Pali, Sanskrit, reflection, politics, Thailand

Procedia PDF Downloads 242

Authors: Priyanka Dutta Chowdhury

Abstract:

A globalized connected world, calling loud for a composite culture, was still not able to erase the pain of a desired nationalism based on cultural identity. In the South Asian region, the random drawing of the boundaries without taking the ethnic aspect into consideration have always challenged the very basis of the existence of certain groups. The urge to reunify with the fellow brothers on both sides of the border have always called for a chaos and schism in the countries of this region. Sometimes this became a tool to bargain with the state and find a favorable position in the power structure on the basis of cultural identity. In Pakistan and Afghanistan, the Pakhtuns who are divided across the border of the two countries, from the inception of creation of Pakistan have posed various challenges and hampered the growth of a consolidated nation. The Pakhtuns or Pashtuns of both Pakistan and Afghanistan have a strong cultural affinity which blurs their physical distancing and calls for a nationalism based on this ethnic affiliation. Both the sides wanted to create Pakhtunistan unifying all the Pakhtuns of the region. For long, this group have denied to accept the Durand line separating the two. This was an area of concern especially for the Pakhtuns of Pakistan torn between the decision either to join Afghanistan, create a nation of their own or be a part of Pakistan. This ethnic issue became a bone of contention between the two countries. Later, though well absorbed and recognized in the respective countries, they have fought for their identity and claimed for a dominant position in the politics of the nations. Because of the porous borders often influx of refugees was seen especially during Afghan Wars and later many extremists’ groups were born from them especially the Taliban. In the recent string of events, when the Taliban, who are mostly Pakhtuns ethnically, came in power in Afghanistan, a wave of sympathy arose in Pakistan. This gave a strengthening position to the religious Pakhtuns across the border. It is to be noted here that a fragmented Pakhtun identity between the religious and seculars were clearly visible, voicing for their place in the political hierarchy of the country with a vision distinct from each other especially in Pakistan. In this context the paper tries to evaluate the reasons for this cultural turmoil between the countries and this ethnic group. It also aims to analyze the concept of how the identity politics still holds its relevance in the contemporary world. Additionally, the recent trend of fragmented identity points towards instrumentalization of this ethnic groups, who are engaged in the bargaining process with the state for a robust position in the power structure. In the end, the paper aims to deduct from the theoretical conditions of identity politics, whether this is a primordial or a situational tool to have a visibility in the power structure of the contemporary world.

Keywords: cultural identity, identity politics, instrumentalization of identity pakhtuns, power structure

Procedia PDF Downloads 58

Authors: Kunle Oparinde, Ernestina Maleshoane Rapeane-Mathonsi, Gift Mheta

Abstract:

Using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and Multimodal Discourse Analysis (MDA), the research seeks to deconstruct politically-motivated discourse as observed from Nigerian politics. This is intended to be achieved by analysing linguistic (mis)representation and manipulation in Nigerian political settings, drawing from instances of language use as observed from different political campaigns. Since language in itself is generally meaningless without context, it is therefore paramount to analyse the (mis)representation and manipulation in Nigerian political sceneries within their contextual basis. The study focuses on political language used by Nigerian politicians emanating from printed and social media forms such as posters, pamphlets, speeches, billboards, and internet sources purposely selected across Nigeria. The research further aims at investigating the discursive strategies used by politicians to gain more audience, and, as a result, shape opinions that result in votes. The study employs a qualitative approach. Two parties are intentionally selected because they have been essentially strong at the national level namely: All Progressive Congress (APC) and the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). The study finds out that politicians in Nigeria, as in many parts of the world, use language to manipulate the electorate. Comprehensive discussion of these instances of political manipulation remains the thrust of this paper.

Keywords: communication, discourse, manipulation, misrepresentation

Procedia PDF Downloads 209

Authors: Joao Vicente Pereira Fernandez

Abstract:

In the context of a democratic crisis, a new wave of authoritarianism prompts domineering male figures to leadership posts worldwide. Although the gendered aspect of this phenomenon has been reasonably documented, recent studies have focused on high-level commanding posts, such as those of president and prime-minister, leaving other positions of political power with limited attention. This natural focus of investigation, however powerful, seems to have restricted our understanding of the phenomenon by precluding a more thorough inquiry of its gendered aspects and its consequences for political representation as a whole. Trying to fill this gap, in recent research, we examined the election results of Jair Bolsonaro’s party for the Legislative Branch in 2018. We found that the party's proportion of non-male representatives was on average, showing it provided reasonable access of women to the legislature in a comparative perspective. However, and perhaps more intuitively, we also found that the elected members of Bolsonaro’s party performed very gendered roles, which allowed us to draw the first lines of the representative profiles gathered around the new-right in Brazil. These results unveiled new horizons for further research, addressing topics that range from the role of women for the new-right on Brazilian institutional politics to the relations between these profiles of representatives, their agendas, and political and electoral strategies. This article aims to deepen the understanding of some of these profiles in order to lay the groundwork for the development of the second research agenda mentioned above. More specifically, it focuses on two out of the three profiles that were grasped predominantly, if not entirely, from masculine subjects during our last research, with the objective of portraying the masculinity standards mobilized and promoted by them. These profiles –the entrepreneur and the army man – were chosen to be developed due to their proximity to both liberal and authoritarian views, and, moreover, because they can possibly represent two facets of the new-right that were integrated in a certain way around Bolsonaro in 2018, but that can be reworked in the future. After a brief introduction of the literature on masculinity and politics in times of democratic crisis, we succinctly present the relevant results of our previous research and then describe these two profiles and their masculinities in detail. We adopt a combination of ethnography and discourse analysis, methods that allow us to make sense of the data we collected on our previous research as well as of the data gathered for this article: social media posts and interactions between the elected members that inspired these profiles and their supporters. Finally, we discuss our results, presenting our main argument on how these descriptions provide a further understanding of the gendered aspect of liberal authoritarianism, from where to better apprehend its political implications in Brazil.

Keywords: Brazilian politics, gendered politics, masculinities, new-right

Procedia PDF Downloads 94

Authors: Ali Aqa Mohammad Jawad

Abstract:

Taking a relational approach, this paper analyzes the causal mechanisms associated with successful mobilization and rapid demobilization of the Enlightening Movement in post-2001 Afghanistan. The movement emerged after the state-owned Da Afghan Bereshna Sherkat (DABS) decided to divert the route for the Turkmenistan-Uzbekistan-Tajikistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan (TUTAP) electricity project. The grid was initially planned to go through the Hazara-inhabited province of Bamiyan, according to Afghanistan’s Power Sector Master Plan. The reroute served as an aide-mémoire of historical subordination to other ethno-religious groups for the Hazara community. It was also perceived as deprivation from post-2001 development projects, financed by international aid. This torched the accumulated grievances, which then gave birth to the Enlightening Movement. The movement had a successful mobilization. However, it demobilized after losing much of its mobilizing capabilities through an amalgamation of external and internal relational factors. The successful mobilization yet rapid demobilization constitutes the puzzle of this paper. From the theoretical perspective, this paper is significant as it establishes the applicability of contentious politics theory to protest mobilizations that occurred in Afghanistan, a context-specific, characterized by ethnic politics. Both primary and secondary data are utilized to address the puzzle. As for the primary resources, media coverage, interviews, reports, public media statements of the movement, involved in contentious performances, and data from Social Networking Services (SNS) are used. The covered period is from 2001-2018. As for the secondary resources, published academic articles and books are used to give a historical account of contentious politics. For data analysis, a qualitative comparative historical method is utilized to uncover the causal mechanisms associated with successful mobilization and rapid demobilization of the Movement. In this pursuit, both mobilization and demobilization are considered as larger political processes that could be decomposed to constituent mechanisms. Enlightening Movement’s framing and campaigns are first studied to uncover the associated mechanisms. Then, to avoid introducing some ad hoc mechanisms, the recurrence of mechanisms is checked against another case. Mechanisms qualify as robust if they are “recurrent” in different episodes of contention. Checking the recurrence of causal mechanisms is vital as past contentious events tend to reinforce future events. The findings of this paper suggest that the public sphere in Afghanistan is drastically different from Western democracies known as the birthplace of social movements. In Western democracies, when institutional politics did not respond, movement organizers occupied the public sphere, undermining the legitimacy of the government. In Afghanistan, the public sphere is ethicized. Considering the inter- and intra-relational dynamics of ethnic groups in Afghanistan, the movement reduced to an erosive inter- and intra-ethnic conflict. This undermined the cohesiveness of the movement, which then kicked-off its demobilization process.

Keywords: enlightening movement, contentious politics, mobilization, demobilization

Procedia PDF Downloads 152

Authors: Mete Ulaş Aksoy

Abstract:

In contemporary politics, the state of emergency has become a permanent and salient feature of politics. This study aims to clarify the anthropological and ontological dimensions of the permanent state of emergency. It pays special attention to the structural relation between the exception and play. Focusing on the play in the context of emergency and exception enables the recognition of the difference and sometimes the discrepancy between the exception and emergency, which has passed into oblivion because of the frequency and normalization of emergency situations. This study coins the term “ludic exception” in order to highlight the difference between the exceptions in which exuberance and paroxysm rule over the socio-political life and the permanent emergency that protects the authority with a sort of extra-legality. The main thesis of the study is that the ludic elements such as risk, conspicuous consumption, sacrificial gestures, agonism, etc. circumscribe the exceptional moments temporarily, preventing them from being routine and normal. The study also emphasizes the decline of ludic elements in modernity as the main factor in the transformation of the exceptions into permanent emergency situations. In the introduction, the relationship between play and exception is taken into consideration. In the second part, the study elucidates the concept of ludic exceptions and dwells on the anthropological examples of the ludic exceptions. In the last part, the decline of ludic elements in modernity is addressed as the main factor for the permanent emergency.

Keywords: emergency, exception, ludic exception, play, sovereignty

Procedia PDF Downloads 57

Authors: Oyku Yenen

Abstract:

The notion of biopolitics, as studied by such intellectuals as Foucault, Agamben, and Negri, is an important guide for comprehending the current understanding of politics. While Foucault evaluates biopolitics as a survival policy, Giorgio Agamben, German legist, identifies the theory with death. Agamben claims the fact we can all considered to be homo sacer who are abandoned by the law, left in the field of exception, and whose killing does not require punishment. Agamben defines the person who is tried by the public for committing a crime but is not allowed to be sacrificed and whose killing is not considered a crime, as 'homo sacer'. This study analyzes how the concept of 'homo sacer' is made visible in TV series such as Çemberimde Gül Oya (Cagan Irmak, 2005-2005), Hatırla Sevgili (Ummu Burhan, 2006-2008), Bu Kalp Seni Unutur Mu? (Aydin Bulut, 2009-1010) all of which portray the period Turkey's 1980 military coup, within the framework of Agamben's thoughts and notions about biopolitics. When the main plots of these abovementioned TV series, which constitute the universe of this study, are scrutinized closely, they lay out the understanding of politics that has existed throughout history and prevails today. Although there is a large number of TV series on the coup of 1980, these three series are the only main productions that specifically focused on the event itself. Our final analysis will reveal that the concepts of homo sacer, bare life, exception, camp have been embodied in different ways in these three series. In these three series, which all deal with similar subjects using differing perspectives, the dominant understanding of politics is clearly conveyed to the audience. In all three series, the reigning power always decides on the exceptions, those who will live, those who will die, and those who will be ignored by law. Such characters as Mehmet, Sinan, Yıldız, Deniz, Defne, all of which we come across in these series, are on trial as a criminals of thought and are subjected to various forms of torture while isolated in an area where they are virtually deprived of law. Their citizenship rights are revoked. All of them are left alone with their bare lives (zoe).

Keywords: bare life, biopolitics, homo sacer, sovereign power, state of exception

Procedia PDF Downloads 99

Authors: Adekeye Joshua Temitope

Abstract:

“Transgender” presents a complexion of ambiguity in the African context and it remains a contested topography in the discourse of sexual identity. The casts and stigmatisations towards transgender unveils vital facts and intricacies often ignored in the academic communities; the problems and oppressions of given sex/gender system, the constrain of monogamy and ignorance of fluidity of human sexuality thereby generating dual discords of “enforced heterosexual” and “unavoidable homosexual.” The African culture voids transgender movements and perceive same-sex sexual behavior as “taboo or bad habits” and this provide reasonable explanations for the failure of asserting for the sexual rights in GLBT movement in most discourse on sexuality in the African context. However, we could not deny the real existence of active flowing and fluidity of human sexuality even though its variants could be latent. The incessant consciousness of the existence of transgender practices in Africa either in form of bisexual desire or bisexual behavior with or without sexual identity, including people who identify themselves as bisexual opens up the vision for us to reconsider and reexamine what constitutes such ambiguity and controversy of transgender identity at present time. The notion of identity politics in gay, lesbian, and transgender community has its complexity and debates in its historical development. This paper analyses the representation of the historical trajectory of transgender practices by presenting the dynamic transition of how people cognize transgender practices under different historical conditions since the understanding of historical transition of bisexual practices would be very crucial and meaningful for gender/sexuality liberation movement at present time and in the future. The paper did a juxtaposition of the trajectories of bisexual practices between Anglo-American world and Africa, as it has certain similarities and differences within diverse historical complexities. The similar condition is the emergence of gay identity under the influence of capitalism but within different cultural context. Therefore, the political economy of each cultural context plays very important role in understanding the formation of sexual identities historically and its development and influence for the GLBT movement afterwards and in the future. By reexamining Kinsey’s categorization and applying Klein’s argument on individual’s sexual orientation this paper is poised to break the given and fixed connection among sexual behavior/sexual orientation/sexual identity, on the other hand to present the potential fluidity of human sexuality by reconsidering and reexamining the present given sex/gender system in our world. The paper concludes that it is obligatory for the essentialist and exclusionary trend at this historical moment since gay and lesbian communities in Africa need to clearly demonstrate and voice for themselves under the nuances of gender/sexuality liberation.

Keywords: heterosexual, homosexual, identity politics, queer politics, transgender

Procedia PDF Downloads 282

Authors: Girma Y. Iyassu Menelik

Abstract:

The international community has gone through indescribable atrocities resulting from acts of war. These atrocities turned Europe and Africa into a wilderness of bloodshed and crime. In the period 1960- 1970s Africa witnessed unprecedented and well-documented assaults on life and property. This necessitated the adoption, signing and ratification of the International Criminal Court, establishment of the International Court of Justice which is a great achievement for the protection and fulfilling of human rights in the context of international political instability. The ICC came as an important opportunity to advance justice for serious crimes committed in violation of international law. Thus the Rome statute has become a formidable contribution to peace and security. There are concerns that the ICC is targeting African states. However, the ICC cannot preside over cases that are not parties to the Rome statute unless the UN Security council refers the situation or the relevant state asks the court to become involved. The instable international political situation thus deals with criminal prosecutions where amnesty is not permissible or is strongly repudiated. The court has become important justice instruments for states that are unable or unwilling to fulfill their obligation to address legacies of massive human rights violations. The ICJ as a court has a twofold role; to settle legal disputes submitted to it by states, and to give advisory opinions on legal questions referred to it by duly authorized United Nations organs and specialized agencies. All members of the UN are ipso facto parties to the statute of the ICJ. The court gives advisory opinion on any legal question. These courts are the most appropriate fora to pronounce on international crimes and are in a better position to know and apply international law. Cases that have been brought to the courts include Rwanda’s genocide, Liberia’s Charles Taylor etc. The receptiveness and cooperation of the local populations are important to the courts and if the ICC and ICJ can provide appropriate protections for the physical and economic safety of victims then peace and human rights observance can be attained. This paper will look into the effectiveness and impediments of these courts in handling criminal and injustices in international politics as while as what needs to be done to strengthen the capacity of these courts.

Keywords: ICC, international politics, justice, UN security council, violence, protection, fulfilling

Procedia PDF Downloads 412

Authors: Essa Njie

Abstract:

One of the challenges that Africa needs to overcome for the sustenance of its democratic gains is to separate the state from the ruling party to avoid the latter’s attempt in monopolizing the former’s resources and institutions for political supremacy. But this separation must go along with the process of depoliticizing the civil services (separation from partisan politics) which have been politicized by incumbents to register electoral successes. While researches conducted on the Gambia’s democratic reality tend to have looked at a wide range of challenges confronting the country’s democratic progress, this paper focuses on state power monopolization and its impediment to democratic governance in the country. The paper explores the involvement of civil/public servants in partisan politics in the Gambia. It looks at the intertwined nature of the state and the ruling party as state resources could not be separated from that of the ruling party (lack of separation between political and non-political resources) in both Dawda Jawara and Yahya Jammeh eras, and how such affected the country’s democratic credential. The paper in particular addresses the need for the current government to depoliticize the country’s civil service and concomitantly separate the state from the ruling party by not monopolizing the former’s resources and institutions to galvanize political support.

Keywords: civil service, democratic consolidation, monopolisation, multi-party elections, public institutions, ruling party, state resources

Procedia PDF Downloads 107

Authors: Damian Winczewski

Abstract:

Carl von Clausewitz’s political theory of war was criticized in the 20th century in several ways. It was also the source of many disagreements over readings of its most popular theses. Among them, the reflections of thinkers categorized as part of the broader postmodern current stand out, such as Michael Foucault and his successors, who presented a nuanced and critical approach to strategy theory. Foucault viewed it as part of a broader political–legal discourse of sovereignty rooted in the Middle Ages, which underlies modern biopower. Clausewitz’s theory of strategy underpinned a new humanist discourse rationalizing the phenomenon of war while, in a methodological sense, becoming an epistemic model of how Foucault conceived power strategy. Foucault’s contemporary commentators try to develop his position by arguing the analogy between the discourse prevailing in Clausewitz’s time and the contemporary neoliberal discourse and technological revolution on the battlefield, which create a new order of power. Meanwhile, they recognize that the modern development of strategy was to make Clausewitz’s understanding of war obsolete. However, postmodernists focusing on showy stylistics in their assessments rely on a mythologized narrative about Clausewitz, reducing his theories to a discourse of war as a way for nation-states to conduct foreign policy. In this article, Clausewitz shows that his theory goes much deeper and provides a critical perspective on the relationship between war and politics. The dialectical structure makes it possible to understand war as a historically variable but constantly policy-dependent phenomenon.

Keywords: Clausewitz, Foucault, Virilio, postmodernism, war and politics, power

Procedia PDF Downloads 27

Authors: Birge Yildirim Okta

Abstract:

This paper aims to narrate the story of Atatürk Cultural Center in Taksim Square, which was demolished in 2018, and discuss its architectonic as a social place of memory and its existence and demolishment as the space of politics. Focusing on the timeline starting from early republican period till today, the paper uses narrative discourse analysis to research Atatürk Cultural Center as a place of memory and a space of politics in its existence. After the establishment of Turkish Republic, one of most important implementation in Taksim Square, reflecting the internationalist style, was the construction of Opera Building in Prost Plan. The first design of the opera building belonged to Aguste Perret, which could not be implemented due to economic hardship during World War II. Later the project was designed by architects Feridun Kip and Rüknettin Güney in 1946 but could not be completed due to 1960 military coup. Later the project was shifted to another architect Hayati Tabanlıoglu, with a change in its function as a cultural center. Eventually, the construction of the building was completed in 1969 in a completely different design. AKM became a symbol of republican modernism not only with its modern architectural style but also with it is function as the first opera building of the republic, reflecting the western, modern cultural heritage by professional groups, artists and the intelligentsia. In 2005, Istanbul’s council for the protection of cultural heritage decided to list AKM as a grade 1 cultural heritage, ending a period of controversy which saw calls for the demolition of the center as it was claimed it ended its useful lifespan. In 2008 the building was announced to be closed for repairs and restoration. Over the following years, the building was demolished piece by piece silently while Taksim mosque has been built just in front of Atatürk Cultural Center. Belonging to the early republican period, AKM was a representation of a cultural production of a modern society for the emergence and westward looking, secular public space in Turkey. Its erasure from Taksim scene under the rule of the conservative government, Justice and Development Party and the construction of Taksim mosque in front of AKM’s parcel is also representational. The question of governing the city through space has always been an important aspect for governments, those holding political power since cities are the chaotic environments that are seen as a threat for the governments, carrying the tensions of proletariat or the contradictory groups. The story of AKM as a dispositive or a regulatory apparatus demonstrates how space itself is becoming a political medium, to transform the socio-political condition. The article aims to discuss the existence and demolishment of Atatürk Cultural Center by discussing the constructed and demolished building as a place of memory and a space of politics.

Keywords: space of politics, place of memory, atatürk cultural center, taksim square

Procedia PDF Downloads 41