Search results for: political mobilization

Authors: Omar Abdillah, Mirna Adriani

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In this work, we perform new approach for analyzing public sentiment towards the presidential candidate in the 2014 Indonesian election that expressed in Twitter. In this study we propose such procedure for analyzing sentiment over Indonesian political message by understanding the behavior of Indonesian society in sending message on Twitter. We took different approach from previous works by utilizing punctuation mark and Indonesian sentiment lexicon that completed with the new procedure in determining sentiment towards the candidates. Our experiment shows the performance that yields up to 83.31% of average precision. In brief, this work makes two contributions: first, this work is the preliminary study of sentiment analysis in the domain of political message that has not been addressed yet before. Second, we propose such method to conduct sentiment analysis by creating decision making procedure in which it is in line with the characteristic of Indonesian message on Twitter.

Keywords: unsupervised sentiment analysis, political message, lexicon based, user behavior understanding

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Authors: Igbozuruike Chigozie Jude, Agwu Agwu Ejem

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This research examines the comparative influence of social media and TV campaigns on youth participation in the 2023 general elections in Nigeria. It interrogates the roles played by these two media in influencing youth participation, especially youths in Nigeria, while revealing the factors that influenced their exposure to the media and their participation. The study employed a survey design of quantitative research method to gather the data for this study. Data was collected through a questionnaire from 300 youths in Lagos. The sample size was selected using a multi-stage cluster sampling technique. Social media was the most media that was rated to have had the most impact on youth participation during the election period with its political campaigns. The elaborate likelihood model was used to underpin the study. The study concluded that social media campaigns played a major role in political participation among the youth during the 2023 general election. It revealed how social media contributed to the youths' participation and influenced them to engage in common forms of political participation. The main recommendation of this study is that since the majority of the youths are between the ages of 18 to 35, the media should work on coming up with more content around the year to sensitize them about their political rights and enlighten them socio-politically so that they grow up to become responsible citizens in the country both politically and socially.

Keywords: social media, general election, Nigeria, political apathy, youth

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Authors: Nancy Bartekian, Christine Reyna

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Republicans and Democrats are often polarized when it comes to important topics, but the portrayal of polarization of key issues might be distorted and exaggerated. We examined Republicans' and Democrats’ attitudes about police reform policy during the 2020 racial justice protests and calls to ‘defund the police’. We hypothesized that a) Republicans and Democrats will be polarized on the “defund police'' question; however, b) they will have similar overall attitudes towards specific police reform policies (will be on the same side of the scale--disagree vs. agree), but c) will differ in their extent of agreement or disagreement (main effect of political party ID, but located on the same side of the scale). Using one-way, Multivariate analysis of covariance (MANCOVA) controlling for race, education, and income, we found an overall effect of political party ID. Six out of the nine policies studied were, in fact, not polarizing; both groups were in consensus on whether they disagreed or agreed with the policy, including “defund police''. Results suggest that polarization might be exaggerated.

Keywords: political psychology, social, ideology, polarization

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Authors: Bihan Qaimari

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In many areas of the world there are political conflicts the consequences of which have an inevitable impact on the educational system. Palestine is one such country where the experience of political conflict, going back over many years, has had a devastating effect on the development and maintenance of a stable educational environment for children and their teachers. Up to now there have been few studies that have focussed on the effects of living and working in a war zone on the professional identity of teachers. The aim of this study is to explore how the formation of Palestinian teachers’ professional identity is affected by their experience of the current political conflict its impact on the school social culture. In order to gain an in-depth understanding of the impact of political violence on the formation of the professional identity of Palestinian teachers, a qualitative multiple case-study approach was adopted which draws on sociocultural theories of identity formation. An initial study was first conducted in six schools and this was followed by an in-depth study of teachers working in three further primary schools. Data sources included participant observation, a research diary, semi-structured group and individual interviews. Grounded theory, constant-comparative methods, and discourse analysis procedures were used to interpret the data. The findings suggest that the Palestinian primary school teachers negotiate multiple conflicting identities through their every day experiences of political conflict and the schools’ social culture. This tension is formed as a result of the historical cultural meaning that teachers construct about themselves and within the current unstable and unsettling conditions that exist in their country. In addition, the data indicate that the geographical location of the schools in relation of their proximity to the events of the political conflict also had an influence on the degree of tension inherent in teachers’ professional identity. The study makes significant theoretical, practical, and methodical contributions to the study of the formation of teachers’ professional identity in countries affected by political conflict.

Keywords: identity, political conflict, Palestine, teacher's professional identity

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Authors: Deretha Bester

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This article explores the recent military coups in Mali (August 2020) and Burkina Faso (January 2022), utilizing qualitative case study analyses to examine the pre-coup domestic contextual conditions that precipitated the events. By framing the research through the conceptual lens of state fragility, the research identifies key political, economic, and societal factors that converge to create an environment conducive for coups to occur. From the analyses, the study discusses several patterns that emerged, all revealing the significance of the core functions of governance. Through an in-depth exploration that brings the state back into the coup debate, the study provides rich insights into the complex dynamics of military intervention in political affairs, highlighting the urgency of understanding the underlying domestic factors that can lead to radical political changes. By illuminating these intricate dynamics, the article seeks to provide detailed insights needed to fully understand the challenges moulding the region's political terrain.

Keywords: military coups, state fragility, governance failures, political dynamics, sahel region

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Authors: Renée Fregosi

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The contribution presently proposed will report on the beginnings of a Franco-Chilean study to be launched in 2015 by a multidisciplinary team of Renée Fregosi Political Science University Paris 3 / CECIEC, Norma Muñoz Public Policies University of Santiago of Chile, Jean-Daniel Lelievre, Medicine Paris 11 University, Marcelo WOLFF Medicine University of Chile, Cecilia Blatrix Political Science University Paris-Tech, Ernesto OTTONE, Political Science University of Chile, Paul DENY Medicine Paris 13 University, Rafael Bugueno Medicine Hospital Urgencia Pública of Santiago, Eduardo CARRASCO Political Science Paris 3 University. The problem of hidden populations challenges some criteria and concepts to re-examine: in particular the concept of target population, sampling methods to "snowball" and the cost-effectiveness criterion that shows the connection of political and scientific fields. Furthermore, if the pattern of homosexual transmission still makes up the highest percentage of the modes of infection with HIV, there is a continuous increase in the number of people infected through heterosexual sex, including women and persons aged 50 years and older. This group can be described as " unknown risk people." Access to these populations is a major challenge and raises methodological, ethical and political issues of prevention, particularly on the issue of screening. This paper proposes an inventory of these types of problems and their articulation, to define a new phase in the prevention against HIV refocused on women.

Keywords: HIV testing, hidden populations, difficult to reach PLWHA, women, unknown risk people

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Authors: Francis Wargirai

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Since gaining independence in 1975, Papua New Guinea`s core challenge has been the consolidation of democracy against a backdrop of enormous social, political and territorial diversity. Consequently, the government has implemented several political reforms including decentralization. Constitutional planners believed that national unity, would be better achieved by sharing state power over centralization. They anticipated that this would institutionalize a democratic civic culture by providing opportunities to groups and individuals to make political decisions within their jurisdiction. This would then eventually lead to confidence and participation in the larger entity of the state. In retrospect, civil society and community based groups are largely underrated and have had minimal influence on decisions at the local level, consequently contributing to nepotism, patronism and cynicism. By applying an elitist approach to analyze how national political leaders exert their influence and power within the local government system and local communities, this paper argues that decentralization has fragmented local communities. With an absence of political party roots and deeply divided ethnic groups, national political leaders have used divide and rule tactics resulting in mistrust among citizens. Through their influence and power within local governments to dictate projects and services to certain areas, this has resulted in skepticism and divisions among civil society along different cultural cleavages. This has been a contributing factor to anomalies in democratic consolidation and democratic political culture in Papua New Guinea.

Keywords: civic culture, cultural cleavages, decentralization, democratic consolidation

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Authors: Zarine Avetisyan

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Both in language and literature there exists the theory of recurrence of text and talk chunks which brings us to the notion of precedence. It must be stated that precedence as a pragma-linguistic phenomenon is yet underknown and it is the main objective of the present research to revisit and reveal it thoroughly. In line with the main research objective, analysis of political text and talk provides abundant relevant data for the illustration of the phenomenon of precedence. The analysis focuses on certain pragmatic universals (e.g. intention) and categories (e.g. speech techniques) which lead to the disclosure of the present object of study.

Keywords: intention, precedence, political discourse, pragmatic universals

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Authors: Felix O. Akinboyewa

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To say that Nigeria is faced with the problem of domestic terrorism is to say the obvious. The spate of political assassination during the fourth republic (1999-2010) is representative of what has become a growing trend. In this research, an attempt was made to examine the problems of political assassination within the context of significant categories of domestic-related terrorism in Nigeria Democracy. The central questions are: What exactly are the nature of political violence and terrorist act in the Nigeria nascent democracy? Was there any factor responsible for the politics of violence and terrorist act in the Nigeria democracy? What implications can the political violence and terrorist act have on democratic consolidation, national peace, and security? What solutions can be proffered to eradicate terrorist act and political violence in the Nigeria democracy? The study adopted a descriptive survey design which falls within the empirical research methodology. The sample size of the study consisted of 220 subjects randomly selected. The main instruments used were questionnaire and interview schedule. Data generated from the study were analyzed using descriptive statistics such as percentage and tables. The research findings showed that unemployed youths and the members of Nigeria Union of Road Transport Workers (NURTW) were the major actors in political violence in Nigeria. They have access to weapons and ammunitions which they use to terrorize the populace. The research showed that factors responsible for the political violence and terrorism in Nigeria are: poor electoral administration; election rigging; poor security system; religious and ethnic sentiment; problems of poverty and unemployment; over-exuberance and low level of education. The study also showed that electoral violence affects smooth running democracy in Nigeria. On the measures to be taken to eradicate political violence and terrorism in Nigeria, the research showed that provision of employment opportunities would go a long way to solving the problem. Civil society as an important institution can help to reduce incidence of political violence in Nigeria. Also, government has greater role to play. The study concludes that adherence to the proffered suggestions would reduce the level of political violence and terrorist act in Nigeria.

Keywords: consolidation, democracy, peace, security, terrorism, violence

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Authors: Jose Carlos Montemayor, Kendrick Thomas Angelo Santos

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Filipinos have been divided on President Rodrigo Duterte’s leadership ever since his election in 2016. This study aimed to gain a thorough, in-depth understanding of the opinions of Filipinos from different age and income brackets on these issues in order to address the lack of studies analysing the current Philippine political landscape. An interview tackling relevant national issues were conducted with twelve respondents from the intersections of four age groups and three income brackets. The government’s handling of some issues received mixed opinions, some had neutral viewpoints, while others had more unfavorable ones. The responses differed on three levels: (1) the general stance on an issue; (2) the strength of a stance; and (3) the factoring in of an issue in forming an overall perception on the administration’s performance. Contrary to previous studies on political thought, opinions varied greatly such that no unique set of viewpoints could be attributed to any of the defined age or income groups. These results will be most useful to political science researchers, political analysts, and candidates shaping their platforms for the upcoming elections. Future studies are recommended to tackle more national issues and to consider other factors that may affect political opinions and behavior.

Keywords: age groups, opinion formation, socioeconomic brackets, Philippine politics, Rodrigo Duterte

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Authors: Amanda Aliende da Matta, Maria del Pilar Fogueiras Bertomeu, Valeria de Ormaechea Otalora, Maria Paz Sandin Esteban, Miriam Comet Donoso

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This communication presents the preliminary emerging themes in a research on political participation of young women. The study follows a qualitative methodology; in particular, the applied hermeneutic phenomenological method, and the general objective of the research is to give an account of the experience of political participation as young women. The study participants are women aged 18 to 35 who have experience in political participation. The techniques of data collection are the descriptive story and the phenomenological interview. With respect to the first methodological steps, these have been: 1) collect and select stories of lived experience in political participation, 2) select descriptions of lived experience (DLEs) in political participation of the chosen stories, 3) to prepare phenomenological interviews from the selected DLEs, 4) to conduct phenomenological thematic analysis (PTA) of the DLEs. We have so far initiated the PTA on 5 vignettes. Hermeneutic phenomenology as a research approach is based on phenomenological philosophy and applied hermeneutics. Phenomenology is a descriptive philosophy of pure experience and essences, through which we seek to capture an experience at its origins without categorizing, interpreting or theorizing it. Hermeneutics, on the other hand, may be defined as a philosophical current that can be applied to data analysis. Max Van Manen wrote that hermeneutic phenomenology is a method of abstemious reflection on the basic structures of the lived experience of human existence. In hermeneutic phenomenology we focus, then, on the way we experience “things” in the first person, seeking to capture the world exactly as we experience it, not as we categorize or conceptualize it. In this study, the empirical methods used were: Lived experience description (written) and conversational interview. For these short stories, participants were asked: “What was your lived experience of participation in politics as a young woman? Can you tell me any stories or anecdotes that you think exemplify or typify your experience?”. The questions were accompanied by a list of guidelines for writing descriptive vignettes. And the analytical method was PTA. Among the provisional results, we found preliminary emerging themes, which could in the advance of the investigation result in meaning structures of political participation of young women. They are the following: - Complicity may be inherent/essential in political participation as a young woman; - Feelings may be essential/inherent in political participation as a young woman; - Hope may be essential in authentic political participation as a young woman; - Frustration may be essential in authentic political participation as a young woman; - Satisfaction may be essential in authentic political participation as a young woman; - There may be tension between individual/collective inherent/essential in political participation as a young woman; - Political participation as a young woman may include moments of public demonstration.

Keywords: applied hermeneutic phenomenology, hermeneutics, phenomenology, political participation

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Authors: Ali Asghar Sotoudeh

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Mediation Diplomacy has emerged as one of the main pillars of China's foreign policy goals and practices, and Beijing has established itself as a peacekeeping force in regional conflicts and crises such as Afghanistan, Syria, Sudan, Yemen, and the Arab-Israeli peace process. China is deepening and intensifying its diplomatic interventions in the Middle East and trying to shape the security and political developments in the Middle East. On the other hand, economically, China has become one of the most important trading partners with Middle Eastern governments. China is also seeking to expand its foreign policy and economic interests in the Middle East through the New Silk Road initiative and has signed cooperation agreements with 17 Arab countries. In this regard, due to the importance of the subject, this research focuses on answering this question; what is the basis of China's political mediation and economic expansionism in the Middle East? In parallel with this question, this study follows the hypothesis that the mediating role of peace is a legitimate way for China to intervene in Middle East political crises, Without causing China to deviate from its traditional guiding principles based on non-interference in the internal affairs of other actors in the international system. This policy also promotes the security of economic interests and increases the country's political influence in the Middle East. The research method is descriptive-analytical based on the qualitative method, and the data collection method is library and internet resources.

Keywords: China, middle east, political mediation, economic expansionism

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Authors: Zarine Avetisyan

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The process of speech production and transmission naturally implies the occurrence of certain defective assumptions and erroneous formulations which may be both spontaneous, caused by haste, carelessness, etc., or deliberate. Whether deliberate or not, fallacies always act by way of “faux pas”. In the latter case, we deal with fake or deceptive arguments which are the focus of the given paper. The paper departs from the assumption that fallacies are arguments that prove nothing. Additionally and more importantly, political discourse becomes the main domain for scholarly “cultivation” while pinning down fallacies. The fallacy of telling the truth but deliberately omitting important key details in order to falsify the larger picture called “the half truth” captures special attention in the given paper.

Keywords: break in the information chain, fallacy, half truth, political discourse

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Authors: Milene Magalhães Pinto, Irlen Antônio Gonçalves

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This paper is within the area of History of Education in Brazil, having a descriptive and exploratory nature. It has been built on the belief that professional education is organized under political guidelines and solidifies through institutionalized discourses, allowing to know its mission concerning the society in which it operates by studying these speeches. Our purpose is to analyze how the Republican political culture yielded changes in public education through reforms to professional education in the First Republic, based on seven procedures of law that occurred in the Legislature of State of Minas Gerais. The Republican effort to reform the teaching was the result of a conception of society that aspired to advance the country by way of the national worker.

Keywords: professional education, republican political culture, education reforms, Brazil

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Authors: Pedro Cardoso Alves, Ana Lucia Galinkin, José Carlos Ribeiro

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Political participation, can be a somewhat tricky subject to define, not in small part due to the constant changes in the concept fruit of the effort to include new forms of participatory behavior that go beyond traditional institutional channels. With the advent of the internet and mobile technologies, defining political participation has become an even more complicated endeavor, given de amplitude of politicized behaviors that are expressed throughout these mediums, be it in the very organization of social movements, in the propagation of politicized texts, videos and images, or in the micropolitical behaviors that are expressed in daily interaction. In fact, the very frontiers that delimit physical and digital spaces have become ever more diluted due to technological advancements, leading to a hybrid existence that is simultaneously physical and digital, not limited, as it once was, to the temporal limitations of classic communications. Moving away from those institutionalized actions of traditional political behavior, an idea of constant and fluid participation, which occurs in our daily lives through conversations, posts, tweets and other digital forms of expression, is discussed. This discussion focuses on the factors that precede more direct forms of political participation, interpreting the relation between informational habits, ideology, and political efficacy. Though some of the informational habits can be considered political participation, by some authors, a distinction is made to establish a logical flow of behaviors leading to participation, that is, one must gather and process information before acting on it. To reach this objective, a quantitative survey is currently being applied in Brazilian social media, evaluating feelings of political efficacy, social and economic issue-based ideological stances and informational habits pertaining to collection, fact-checking, and diversity of sources and ideological positions present in the participant’s political information network. The measure being used for informational habits relies strongly on a mix of information literacy and political sophistication concepts, bringing a more up-to-date understanding of information and knowledge production and processing in contemporary hybrid (physical-digital) environments. Though data is still being collected, preliminary analysis point towards a strong correlation between information habits and political efficacy, while ideology shows a weaker influence over efficacy. Moreover, social ideology and economic ideology seem to have a strong correlation in the sample, such intermingling between social and economic ideals is generally considered a red flag for political polarization.

Keywords: political efficacy, ideology, information literacy, cyberpolitics

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Authors: Mehdi Heydari Sanglaji

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The dramatic events of the 11 September, and their tragic repercussions, catapulted issues of the political violence in and from the ‘Muslim world’ onto the political discourse, be it in patriotic speeches of campaigning politicians or the TV and news punditry. Depending on what end of the political spectrum the politician/pundit pledges fealty to, the overall analyses of political violence in the West Asia and North Africa (WANA) tends towards two overarching categories: on the Right, the diagnosis has unanimously been, ‘they must hate our freedom.’ On the Left, however, there is the contention that the West has to be counted as the primary cause of such rage, for the years of plundering of lives and resources, through colonialism, the Cold War, coups, etc. All these analyses are premised on at least two presuppositions: the violence in and from the WANA region a) is always reactionary, in the sense that it happens only in response to something the West is or does; and b) must always already be condemned, as it is essentially immoral and wrong. It is the aim of this paper to challenge such viewpoints. Through a rigorous study of the historical discourses on political violence in the Leftist organizations active in Algeria and Lebanon, we claim there is a myriad of diverse reasons and justifications presented for advocating political violence in these countries that defy facile categorization. Inspecting such rhetoric for inciting political violence in Leftist discourses, and how some of these reasonings have percolated into other movements in the region (e.g., Islamist ones), will reveal a wealth of indigenous discourses on the subject that has been largely neglected by the Western Media punditry and even by the academia. The indigenous discourses on political violence, much of which overlaps with emancipatory projects in the region, partly follow grammar and logic, which may be different from those developed in the West, even by its more critical theories. Understanding so different epistemology of violence, and the diverse contexts in which political violence might be justifiable in the mind of ‘the other,’ necessitates a historical, materialist, and genealogical study of the discourse already in practice in the WANA region. In that regard, both critical terrorism studies and critical discourse analysis provide exemplary tools of analysis. Capitalizing on such tools, this project will focus on unearthing a history of thought that renders moot the reduction of all instances of violence in the region to an Islamic culture or imperialism/colonialism. The main argument in our research is that by studying the indigenous discourses on political violence, we will be far more equipped in understanding the reasons and the possible solutions for acts of terrorism in and from the region.

Keywords: political violence, terrorism, leftist organizations, West Asia/North Africa

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Authors: Eran Gusacov

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This article argues that, as a rule, having children and adolescents participate in adult public protests, in terms of educational thought, is ideological education, brainwashing or indoctrination, and not political education, as will be defined in the article. This is a modest argument in its scope: it does not declare categorically that from a perspective of educational thought, parents and teachers need to refrain from bringing children and teenagers to social protests. The perspective offered in this article neither automatically invalidates any indoctrination in educational activities nor does it oppose the legitimacy of protests initiated by adolescents. It does, however, argue that having children and teens participate in such protests is not political education – an argument that belongs to the educational field. Furthermore, the perspective offered here does not deal with the legal layer of the children’s rights to organize, to demonstrate and/or to protest or with issues of political thought. While the examples provided in the article mainly deal with the Israeli reality, it presents a general argument, which is relevant for wherever children participate in demonstrations.

Keywords: ideological education, indoctrination, political education, protest

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Authors: Sumeyra Yakar

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The idea of this research had its genesis from the writer's interest in Shi'i school and religio-political atmosphere in contemporary Iran. The research aims to identify how the past dynamics between political and legal figures and their relationship between each other affect contemporary relationship between political and religious authorities at the local and global level. It attempts to explore religio-politic Shi'i figures and their relationship with the official jurisprudence from the 15th century to the contemporary period. The mutual interaction between the opinion and acts of political figures and jurisprudential institutions enlightens the role of religious values to control the mass population. After the collapse of the Safawīd Dynasty, Shi'i believers lost their political guardian and legal independence, and the situation gave them the inspiration to create unique ideologies or political approaches to solve the governance crisis. The analysis of authoritative political figures and their scholastic contributions elucidate the connection between political powers and religious doctrines under the protection of sectarian oriented theocratic governments. Additionally, understanding the incremental influence of political (historical) Shi'i figures into religious doctrines shed lights on the chronological development of peculiar government style and authoritative hierarchy in contemporary Shi’i communities. The research as being interdisciplinary one offers to create an academic awareness between legal and political factors in Shi’i school of thought and encompasses political, religious, social, financial and cultural atmospheres of the countries in which the political figures lived. The Iranian regime enshrines the principle of vilāyāt-i faqīh (guardianship of the jurist) which enables jurists to solve the conflict between law as an ideal system, in theory, and law in practice. The paper aims to show how the religious, educational system works in harmony with the governmental authorities with the concept of vilāyāt-i faqīh in Iran and contributes to the creation of religious custom in the society. Contemporary relationship between the political figures and religious authorities in Iran will be explained by religio-legal dimensions. The methodology that will be applied by the study has been chosen in order to acquire information and deduce conclusions from the opinions of the scholars. Thus, the research method is mainly descriptive and qualitative. Three lines of description are pursued throughout the study; the explanation of political ideas belonging to the religio-political figures theoretically depending on written texts; the description of approaches adopted by contemporary Iranian and Saudi scholars relating to the legal systems (theoretically); and the explanation of the responses of governmental authorities.

Keywords: clergy (‘ulamā), guardianship of the jurist (vilāyāt-i faqīh), Iran, Shi’i figures

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Authors: Hussain Hameed Mayuuf

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The study is an attempt to investigate the conceptual metonymies is used in political discourse about COVID-19. Thus, this study tries to analyze and investigate how the conceptual metonymies in Johnson's speech about coronavirus are constructed. This study aims at: Identifying how are metonymies relevant to understand the messages in Boris Johnson speeches and to find out how can conceptual blending theory help people to understand the messages in the political speech about COVID-19. Lastly, it tries to Point out the kinds of integration networks are common in political speech. The study is based on the hypotheses that conceptual blending theory is a powerful tool for investigating the intended messages in Johnson's speech and there are different processes of blending networks and conceptual mapping that enable the listeners to identify the messages in political speech. This study presents a qualitative and quantitative analysis of four speeches about COVID-19; they are said by Boris Johnson. The selected data have been tackled from the cognitive-semantic perspective by adopting Conceptual Blending Theory as a model for the analysis. It concludes that CBT is applicable to the analysis of metonymies in political discourse. Its mechanisms enable listeners to analyze and understand these speeches. Also the listener can identify and understand the hidden messages in Biden and Johnson's discourse about COVID-19 by using different conceptual networks. Finally, it is concluded that the double scope networks are the most common types of blending of metonymies in the political speech.

Keywords: cognitive, semantics, conceptual, metonymical, Covid-19

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Authors: Narender Banwala

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The study critically evaluates that the politics of foreign aid and its effect on Afghanistan. The study argues that dynamics of foreign aid to Afghanistan are not driven solely by the Afghan political, social, and economic realities but much more by the ephemeral political goals of international donor countries. The objective of this paper is to find out the political reality of foreign aid given to Afghanistan in a post 9/11 era. The study analyses the gap between the donor countries' interests and the Afghan government's priorities in aid coordination and management. The aid given to Afghanistan has been accompanied by the political interests of the major powers and therefore violated the core principles of humanitarianism, i.e., humanity, impartiality, neutrality, and independence. This research attempts to explain the areas which are of high priority, extremely vulnerable, and have been a neglected part since 2001. The study focuses on how as a result of politicization, foreign aid could not yield the expected results even after prolong presence of international donors in Afghanistan. Methodologically, the study includes both qualitative and quantitative data, which are collected by interviews with government officials and other government documents.

Keywords: Afganistan, aid, politics, security

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Authors: Yasemin Gülşen Yılmaz, Süleyman Hakan Yılmaz, Muhammet Erbay

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Military interventions have an important place in the Turkish Political History. Military interventions are commonly called coup in the society. By coup we mean that the armed forces seize political power either by a group of officer in the army or by chain of command. Coups not only weaken but also suspend the democracy in a country. All periods of coup created its own victims. Two military coups which took place in May 27, 1960 and September 12, 1980 are the most important ones in terms of political and social effect in the Turkish Political History. Apart these, March 12, 1971, February 28, 1997 and April 27, 2007 e-memorandum are the periods when Army submitted a memorandum and intervened the political government indirectly. Beside the memorandums and coups there were also many coup attempts that have been experienced in the Turkish Political History. In this study, we examined the coup attempted by FETO’s military members in the evening of July 15, 2016 from the point of the Turkish Press. Cumhuriyet, Haber Türk, Hürriyet, Milliyet, Sabah, Star, Yeni Akit and Yeni Şafak Newspapers which have different publication policies were examined within the scope of the study. The first pages of the newspapers dated July 16, 2016 were examined using content analysis method. The headlines, news, news headlines and the visual materials used for news were examined and the collected data were analysed.

Keywords: July 15, news, military coup, press

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Authors: John Hardy

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The early twenty-first century national security environment has been characterized by political coercion. Despite an abundance of political commentary on the various forms of non-state coercion leveraged against the state, there is a lack of literature which distinguishes between the mechanisms and the mediums of coercion. Frequently non-state movements seeking to coerce the state are labelled by their tactics, not their strategies. Terrorists, insurgencies and social movements are largely defined by the ways in which they seek to influence the state, rather than by their political aims. This study examines the strategies of coercion used by non-state actors against states. This approach includes terrorist groups, insurgencies, and social movements who seek to coerce state politics. Not all non-state actors seek political coercion, so not all examples of different group types are considered. This approach also excludes political coercion by states, focusing on the non-state actor as the primary unit of analysis. The study applies a general theory of political coercion, which is defined as attempts to change the policies or action of a polity against its will, to the strategies employed by terrorist groups, insurgencies, and social movements. This distinguishes non-state actors’ strategic objectives from their actions and motives, which are variables that are often used to differentiate between types of non-state actors and the labels commonly used to describe them. It also allows for a comparative analysis of theoretical perspectives from the disciplines of terrorism, insurgency and counterinsurgency, and social movements. The study finds that there is a significant degree of overlap in the way that different disciplines conceptualize the mechanism of political coercion by non-state actors. Studies of terrorism and counterterrorism focus more on the notions of cost tolerance and collective punishment, while studies of insurgency focus on a contest of legitimacy between actors, and social movement theory tend to link political objectives, social capital, and a mechanism of influence to leverage against the state. Each discipline has a particular vernacular for the mechanism of coercion, which is often linked to the means of coercion, but they converge on three core theoretical components of compelling a polity to change its policies or actions: exceeding resistance to change, using political or violent punishments, and withholding legitimacy or consent from a government.

Keywords: counter terrorism, homeland security, insurgency, political coercion, social movement theory, terrorism

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Authors: Ali Asghar Sotoudeh

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Since the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 and the subsequent regime change, internal conflicts between political and ethnic-religious groups have become a hallmark of Iraqi political dynamism. The most important manifestations of these conflicts are the Kurdish-central government conflicts, as well as fundamentalism since 2003. As a result, it seems not only US presence in Iraq under the pretext of fighting terrorism and expanding democracy has not had a positive effect on controlling fundamentalism and political stability in Iraq, but it has paved the way for the formation and continuation of geopolitical crises in the form of disputes over territory and sources of power. In this regard, given the importance of the study, the main purpose of this study is to examine the process of the impact of US regime-change policy on the formation and continuation of geopolitical crises in Iraq. The central question of this study is, what effect has the US regime change policy had on Iraq's domestic political processes? Findings show that regime change and subsequent imposed federalism have widened the gaps in Iraq's sectarian-ethnic system. As a result, the geopolitical crisis in the context of the dispute over geographical territory and sources of power between ethnic-religious groups has become the most important political dynamic in Iraq since the occupation. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical, and the data collection method is library and internet resources.

Keywords: Iraq, united states, geopolitical crisis, ethno-religious conflict, political federalism

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Authors: Tony See

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Although much has been devoted to Deleuze’s ethics of difference, relatively little has been focused on how his political perspective is informed by his appropriation of religious ideas and theological concepts. The bulk of the scholarly works have examined his political views with the assumption that they have little or nothing to do with his ideas of religions at all. This is in spite of the fact that Deleuze has drawn heavily from religious and theological thinkers such as Duns Scotus, Spinoza and Nietzsche. This dimension can also be traced in Deleuze’s later works, when he collaborated with Felix Guattari in creating an anti-Oedipal philosophy of difference after May 68. This paper seeks to reverse the tendency in contemporary scholarship ignore Deleuze’s ‘religious’ framework in his understanding of the ethical and the political. Towards this aim, we will refer to key texts in Deleuze’s corpus such as Expressionism in Philosophy, A Thousand Plateaus and others.

Keywords: difference, haeccities, identity, religion, theology

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Authors: Antonia Stanojević, Agnes Akkerman

Abstract:

In contemporary society, economically active people typically spend most of their waking hours doing their job. Having that in mind, this research examines how socialization at the workplace shapes political preferences. Innovatively, it examines, in particular, the possible relationship between employees’ voice suppression by the employer and the formation of their political preferences. Since the employer is perceived as an authority figure, their behavior might induce spillovers to attitudes about political authorities and authoritarian governance. Therefore, a positive effect of suppression of voice by employers on employees' preference for authoritarian governance is expected. Furthermore, this relation is expected to be mediated by two mechanisms: system justification and power distance. Namely, it is expected that suppression of voice would create a power distance organizational climate and increase employees’ acceptance of unequal distribution of power, as well as evoke attempts of oppression rationalization through system justification. The hypotheses will be tested on the data gathered within the first wave of Work and Politics Dataset 2017 (N=6000), which allows for a wide range of demographic and psychological control variables. Although a cross-sectional analysis to be used at this point does not allow for causal inferences, the confirmation of expected relationships would encourage and justify further longitudinal research on the same panel dataset, in order to get a clearer image of the causal relationship between employers' suppression of voice and workers' political preferences.

Keywords: authoritarian values, political preferences, power distance, system justification, voice suppression

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Authors: Hamid Vahidkia

Abstract:

This exposition investigates the connection between two viewpoints on the nature of human rights. Agreeing with the “political” or “practical” point of view, human rights are claims that people have against certain regulation structures in specific present-day states, in the ethicalness of interface they have in settings that incorporate them. Agreeing with the more conventional “humanist” or “naturalistic” viewpoint, human rights are pre-institutional claims that people have against all other people in the ethicalness of interface characteristic of their common humankind. This paper contends that once we recognize the two viewpoints in their best light, we are able to see that they are complementary, and, in reality, we require both to form a great standardizing sense of the modern home of human rights. It clarifies how humanist and political contemplations can and ought to work in couple to account for the concept, substance, and legitimization of human rights.

Keywords: politics, human rights, humanities, mankind, law

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Authors: Abdul Nasir Zamir

Abstract:

After the downfall of Ottoman Caliphate, it scattered into different small Muslim states. Muslim leaders, intellectuals, revivalists as well as modernists started trying to boost up their nation. Some Muslims are also trying to establish the caliphate. Every Muslim country has its own political system, i.e., kingship, dictatorship or democracy, etc. But these are not in their original forms as the historian or political science discussed in their studies. The laws and their practice are mixed, i.e., others with Islamic laws, e.g., Saudi Arabia (K.S.A) and the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, etc. There is great conflict among the revivalist Muslim parties (groups) and governments about political systems. The question is that the subject matter is Sharia or political system? Leaders of Modern Muslim states are alleged as disbelievers due to neglecting the revelation in their laws and decisions. There are two types of laws; Islamic laws and management laws. The conflict is that the non-Islamic laws are in practice in Muslim states. Non-Islamic laws can be gradually changed with Islamic laws with a legal and peaceful process according to the practice of former Muslim leaders and scholars. The bloodshed of Muslims is not allowed in any case. Weak Muslim state is a blessing than nothing. The political system after Muhammad and guided caliphs is considered as kingship. But during this period Muslims not only developed in science and technology but conquered many territories also. If the original aim is in practice, then the Modern Muslim states can be stabled with different political systems. Modern Muslim states are the hope of survival, stability, and development of Muslim Ummah. Islam does not allow arm clash with Muslim army or Muslim civilians. The caliphate is based on believing in one Allah Almighty and good deeds according to Quran and Sunnah. As faith became weak and good deeds became less from its standard level, caliphate automatically became weak and even ended. The last weak caliphate was Ottoman Caliphate which was a hope of all the Muslims of the world. There is no caliphate or caliph present in the world. But every Muslim country or state is like an Amarat (a part of caliphate or small and alternate form of the caliphate) of Muslims. It is the duty of all Muslims to stable these modern Muslim states with tolerance.

Keywords: caliphate, conflict resolution, modern Muslim state, political conflicts, political systems, tolerance

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Authors: Simon Tsipis

Abstract:

In this study, we propose to analyze Russian foreign policy conduct by applying the theory of Political Realism and the qualitative comparative method of analysis. We find that the paradigm of Political Realism supplies us with significant insights into the sources of contemporary Russian foreign policy conduct since the power factor was and remains an integral element in Russian foreign policies, especially when we apply comparative analysis and compare it with the behavior of its Soviet predecessor. Through the lens of the Realist theory, a handful of Russian foreign policy-making becomes clearer and much more comprehensible.

Keywords: realism, Russia, cold war, Soviet Union, European security

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Authors: Luisa Peirano

Abstract:

What began as a middle-class insurgent political movement whose slogan was 'Words divide us. Action unites us!' ultimately mutated into an underground terrorist group that staged a series of armed robberies, kidnappings and even executions in the 1960s and early 1970s. One of the most memorable was the kidnapping of the British ambassador, Sir Geoffrey Jackson, in January 1971, who was held captive for eight months. The episode, which triggered a massive government response and resulted in the capture of the Tupamaros leaders, continued to have political repercussions decades later when Tupamaros leaders emerged from prison to re-enter mainstream Uruguayan politics. The kidnapping and its aftermath attracted intense media coverage in Uruguay and Britain, coverage that affected public opinion profoundly. The treatment by the Uruguayan and British medias’ diverged, however. Uruguayan newspapers focused on political issues, mirrored the positions of various political parties, and showed the larger context of social, cultural and political forces that rocked Latin America in the 1960s and early 1970s. By contrast, the British press limited its attention mainly to the human drama. On the 30th anniversary of Sir Geoffrey Jackson's death, this study compares over one hundred major newspaper articles and suggests some reasons for the differences between Uruguayan and British media treatment in terms of the volume, content, and perspective as well in the effect on readers. The differences have persisted and continue to matter in present day coverage of terrorism and its victims.

Keywords: British Ambassador, Churchill Archives Centre, Sir Geoffrey Jackson, political kidnapping, Latin America in the 1960's, Tupamaro guerrillas, Uruguay

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Authors: Mira Kaneva

Abstract:

The ongoing migration crisis polemic opens up the debate to the ambivalent essence of borders due to both the legality and legitimacy of the displacement of vast masses of people across the European continent. In neoliberal terms, migration is seen as an economic opportunity, or, on the opposite, as a social disparity; in realist terms, it is regarded as a security threat that calls for mobilization; from a critical standpoint, it is a matter of discourse on democratic governance. This paper sets the objective of analyzing borders through the Foucauldian prism of biopolitics. It aims at defining the specifics of the management of the human body by producing both the irregular migrant as a subject (but prevalently as an object in the discourse) and the political subjectivity by exercising state power in repressive practices, including hate speech. The study relies on the conceptual framework of Bigo, Agamben, Huysmans, among others, and applies the methodology of qualitative comparative analysis between the cases of borders (fences, enclaves, camps and other forms of abnormal spatiality) in Italy, Spain, Greece, the Republic of Macedonia, Serbia and Bulgaria. The paper thus tries to throw light on these cross- and intra-regional contexts that share certain similarities and differences. It tries to argue that the governmentality of the masses of refugees and economic immigrants through the speech acts of their exclusion leads to a temporary populist backlash; a tentative finding is that the status-quo in terms of social and economic measures remains relatively balanced, whereas, values such as freedom, openness, and tolerance are consecutively marginalized.

Keywords: Balkans, biopolitical borders, cross- and intra-regional discourse analysis, irregular migration, Mediterranean Europe, securitization vs. humanitarianism

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