Search results for: nationalization

Authors: Turgut Ayten, Tayfun Çay, Demet Ayten

Abstract:

In this research, nationalization method for obtaining land on the destination of Ankara-Konya High Speed Train in Turkey; Land consolidation for nationalization purpose as an alternative solution on obtaining land; a survey prepared for land owners whose lands were nationalized and institution officials who carries out the nationalization and land consolidation was applied, were investigated and the need for land consolidation for nationalization purpose is tried to be put forth. Study area is located in the Konya city- Kadınhanı district-Kolukısa and Sarikaya neighbourhood in Turkey and land consolidation results of the selected field which is on the destination of the high-speed train route were obtained. The data obtained was shared with the landowners in the research area, their choice between the nationalization method and land consolidation for nationalization method was questioned. In addition, the organization and institution officials who are accepted to used primarily by the state for obtaining land that are needed for the investments of state, and institution officials who make land consolidation were investigated on the issues of the efficiency of the methods they used and if they tried different methods.

Keywords: nationalization, land consolidation, land consolidation for nationalization

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Authors: Kazuma Mizukoshi

Abstract:

Are electoral politics in contemporary Brazil still local in organization and focus? The importance of this question lies in its paradoxical trajectories. First, often coupled with institutional and sociological ‘barriers’ (e.g. the selection and election of candidates relatively loyal to the local party leadership, the predominance of territorialized electoral campaigns, and the resilience of political clientelism), the regionalization of electoral politics has been a viable and practical solution especially for pragmatic politicians in some Latin American countries. On the other hand, some leftist parties that once served as minor opposition forces at the time of foundational or initial elections have certainly expanded vote shares. Some were eventually capable of holding most (if not a majority) legislative seats since the 1990s. Though not yet rigorously demonstrated, theoretically implicit in the rise of leftist parties in legislative elections is the gradual (if not complete) nationalization of electoral support—meaning the growing equality of a party’s vote share across electoral districts and its change over time. This study will develop four hypotheses to explain the dynamics of party nationalization in contemporary Brazil: district magnitude, ethnic and class fractionalization of each district, voting intentions in federal and state executive elections, and finally the left-right stances of electorates. The study will demonstrate these hypotheses by closely working with the Brazilian Electoral Study (2002-2014).

Keywords: party nationalization, presidential coattails, Left, Brazil

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Authors: Mauro Cristeche

Abstract:

This work begins with a very simple question: How does the State spend? Argentina is witnessing a process of growing nationalization of social life, so it is necessary to find out the explanations of the phenomenon on the specific dynamic of the capitalist mode of production in Argentina and its transformations in the last decades. Then the new question is: what happened in Argentina that could explain this phenomenon? Since the seventies, the capital growth in Argentina faces deep competitive problems. Until that moment the agrarian wealth had worked as a compensation mechanism, but it began to find its limits. In the meantime, some important demographical and structural changes had happened. The strategy of the capitalist class had to become to seek in the cheapness of the labor force the main source of compensation of its weakness. As a result, a tendency to worsen the living conditions and fragmentation of the working class started to develop, manifested by unemployment, underemployment, and the fall of the purchasing power of the salary as a highlighted fact. As a consequence, it is suggested that the role of the State became stronger and public expenditure increased, as a historical trend, because it has to intervene to face the contradictions and constant growth problems posed by the development of capitalism in Argentina. On the one hand, the State has to guarantee the process of buying the cheapened workforce and at the same time the process of reproduction of the working class. On the other hand, it has to help to reproduce the individual capitals but needs to ‘attack’ them in different ways. This is why the role of the State is said to be the general political representative to the national portion of the total social capital. What will be studied is the dynamic of the intervention of the Argentine State in the context of the particular national process of capital growth, and its dynamics in the last decades. What this paper wants to show are the main general causes that could explain the phenomenon of nationalization of the social life and how it has impacted the life conditions of the working class and the system of rights.

Keywords: Argentina, nationalization, public policies, rights, state

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Authors: Prem Bahadur Giri

Abstract:

The nationalization of forests during the early 1960s had become counterproductive for the conservation of forests in Nepal. Realizing this fact, the Government of Nepal initiated a paradigm shift from a government-controlled forestry system to people’s direct participation in managing forestry, conceptualizing a community forest approach in the early 1980s. The community forestry approach is expected to promote sustainable forest management, restoring degraded forests to enhance the forest condition on the one hand, and on the other, improvement of livelihoods, particularly of low-income people and forest-dependent communities, as well as promoting community ownership of a forest. As a result, the establishment of community forests started and had taken faster momentum in Nepal. Of the total land in Nepal, forest occupies 6.5 million hectares which are around 45 percent of the forest area. Of the total forest area, 1.8 million hectares have been handed over to community management. A total of 19,361 ‘community forest users groups’ are already created to manage the community forest. To streamline the governance of community forests, the enactment of ‘The Forest Act 1993’ provides a clear legal basis for managing community forests in Nepal. This article is based on an in-depth study taking the case of Tarpakha Community Forest (TCF) located in Siranchok Rural Municipality of Gorkha District in Nepal. It mainly discusses the extent to which the TCF is able to achieve the twin objectives of this community forest for catalyzing socio-economic improvement of the targeted community and conservation of the forest. The primary information was generated through in-depth interviews along with group discussions with members, the management committee, and other relevant stakeholders. The findings reveal that there is a significant improvement in the regeneration of the forest and also changes in the socio-economic status of the local community. However, coordination with local municipalities and forest governing entities is still weak.

Keywords: community forest, socio-economic benefit, sustainable forest management, Nepal

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Authors: Prem Bahadur Giri, Trilochana Pokhrel

Abstract:

The nationalization of forest during early 1960s had become a counterproductive for the conservation of forest in Nepal. Realizing this fact, the Government of Nepal initiated a paradigm shift from government-controlled forestry system to people’s direct participation for managing forestry, conceptualizing community forest approach in the early 1980s. The community forestry approach is expected to promote sustainable forest management, restoring degraded forests for enhancing the forest condition on one hand, and on the other, improvement of livelihoods, particularly of low-income people and forest dependent communities, as well as promoting community ownership to forest. As a result, establishment of community forests started and had taken faster momentum in Nepal. Of the total land in Nepal, forest occupies 6.5 million hectares which is around 45 percent of the forest area. Of the total forest area 1.8 million hectarehas been handed-over to community management. A total of 19,361 ‘community forest users groups’ are already created to manage the community forest.Tostreamlinethe governance of community forest, the enactment of ‘Forest Act 1993’ provides a clear legal basis for managing community forest in Nepal. This article is based on an in-depth study taking a case of Tarpakha Community Forest (TCF) located in Siranchok Rural Municipality of Gorkha District in Nepal. It mainly discusses on to extent the TCF able to achieve twin objectives of this community forest for catalyzing socio-economic improvement of the targeted community and conservation of forest. The primary information was generated through in-depth interviews along with group discussion with members, management committee, and other relevant stakeholders. The findings reveal that there is significant improvement of regeneration of forest and also changes in the socio-economic status of local community. However, coordination with local municipality and forest governing entities is still weak.

Keywords: community forest, nepal, socio-economic benefit, sustainable forest management

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Authors: Romeu Bonk Mesquita

Abstract:

Argentina is the South American number 1 country of destiny to intraregional migration flows. This research aims to shed light on the main trends of the Argentine immigrant policy from 2016 on, when Mauricio Marci was elected President, taking the approval of the current and fairly protective of human rights Ley de Migraciones (2003) as an analytical starting point. Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA) serves as the theoretical background, highlighting decision-making processes and institutional designs that encourage or constraint political and social actors. The analysis goes through domestic and international levels, observing how immigration policy is formulated as a public policy and is simultaneously connected to Mercosur and other international organizations, such as the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Thus, the study revolves around the Direccion Nacional de Migraciones, which is the state agency in charge of executing the country’s immigrant policy, as to comprehend how its internal processes and the connections it has with both domestic and international institutions shape Argentina’s immigrant policy formulation and execution. Also, it aims to locate the migration agenda within the country’s contemporary social and political context. The methodology is qualitative, case-based and oriented by process-tracing techniques. Empirical evidence gathered includes official documents and data, media coverage and interviews to key-informants. Recent events, such as the Decreto de Necesidad y Urgencia 70/2017 issued by President Macri, and the return of discursive association between migration and criminality, indicate a trend of nationalization and securitization of the immigration policy in contemporary Argentina.

Keywords: Argentine foreign policy, human rights, immigrant policy, Mercosur

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Authors: Annamarie Rannou, Horace Bartilow

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Global concerns about xenophobic activity are on the rise across developed and developing countries. And yet, social science scholarship has almost exclusively examined xenophobia as a prejudice of advanced western nations. This research argues that the fields of study related to xenophobia must be re-conceptualized within a framework of ethnicity in order to level the playing field for cross-regional inquiry. This study develops a new concept of ethnic xenophobia and integrates existing explanations of anti-migrant expression into theories of ethnic threat. We argue specifically that political elites convert economic, political, and social threats at the national level into ethnic xenophobic activity in order to gain or maintain political advantage among their native selectorate. We expand on Stuart Kaufman’s theory of symbolic politics to underscore the methods of mobilization used against migrants and the power of elite discourse in moments of national crises. An original dataset is used to examine over 35,000 cases of ethnic xenophobic activity targeting refugees. Wordscores software is used to develop a unique measure of anti-migrant elite rhetoric which captures the symbolic discourse of elites in their mobilization of ethnic xenophobic activism. We use a Structural Equation Model (SEM) to test the causal pathways of the theory across seventy-two developed and developing countries from 1990 to 2016. A framework of Most Different Systems Design (MDSD) is also applied to two pairs of developed-developing country cases, including Kenya and the Netherlands and Lebanon and the United States. This study sheds tremendous light on an underrepresented area of comparative research in migration studies. It shows that the causal elements of anti-migrant activity are far more similar than existing research suggests which has major implications for policy makers, practitioners, and academics in fields of migration protection and advocacy. It speaks directly to the mobilization of myths surrounding refugees, in particular, and the nationalization of narratives of migration that may be neutralized by the development of deeper associational relationships between natives and migrants.

Keywords: refugees, ethnicity, symbolic politics, elites, migration, comparative politics

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Authors: Mauro Cristeche

Abstract:

This paper approaches the intervention of the American State in the social arena and the modeling of the rights system from the Argentinian experience, by observing the characteristics of its federal budgetary system, the evolution of social public spending and welfare programs in recent years, labor and poverty statistics, and the changes on the labor market structure. The analysis seeks to combine different methodologies and sources: in-depth interviews with specialists, analysis of theoretical and mass-media material, and statistical sources. Among the results, it could be mentioned that the tendency to state interventionism (what has been called ‘nationalization of social life’) is quite evident in the United States, and manifests itself in multiple forms. The bibliography consulted, and the experts interviewed pointed out this increase of the state presence in historical terms (beyond short-term setbacks) in terms of increase of public spending, fiscal pressure, public employment, protective and control mechanisms, the extension of welfare policies to the poor sectors, etc. In fact, despite the significant differences between both countries, the United States and Argentina have common patterns of behavior in terms of the aforementioned phenomena. On the other hand, dissimilarities are also important. Some of them are determined by each country's own political history. The influence of political parties on the economic model seems more decisive in the United States than in Argentina, where the tendency to state interventionism is more stable. The centrality of health spending is evident in America, while in Argentina that discussion is more concentrated in the social security system and public education. The biggest problem of the labor market in the United States is the disqualification as a consequence of the technological development while in Argentina it is a result of its weakness. Another big difference is the huge American public spending on Defense. Then, the more federal character of the American State is also a factor of differential analysis against a centralized Argentine state. American public employment (around 10%) is comparatively quite lower than the Argentinian (around 18%). The social statistics show differences, but inequality and poverty have been growing as a trend in the last decades in both countries. According to public rates, poverty represents 14% in The United States and 33% in Argentina. American public spending is important (welfare spending and total public spending represent around 12% and 34% of GDP, respectively), but a bit lower than Latin-American or European average). In both cases, the tendency to underemployment and disqualification unemployment does not assume a serious gravity. Probably one of the most important aspects of the analysis is that private initiative and public intervention are much more intertwined in the United States, which makes state intervention more ‘fuzzy’, while in Argentina the difference is clearer. Finally, the power of its accumulation of capital and, more specifically, of the industrial and services sectors in the United States, which continues to be the engine of the economy, express great differences with Argentina, supported by its agro-industrial power and its public sector.

Keywords: state intervention, welfare policies, labor market, system of rights, United States of America

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