Search results for: intellectuals’ hub

Authors: Alphan Telek

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Political secularism is different from philosophical secularism in terms of its inclusionary, peaceful, liberal and democratic aspects. Secularism as a political principle not only takes the separation of state and religion as a basis but also it aims to exclude any kind of ethnic, religious, racial, gender domination at the state level. Thus, although political secularism does not see any problem with the visibility and implementation of religious views and symbols in the public sphere, it stands against the fusion of political power and religious views or more generally any kind of identity. Iranian context especially the post-reformist period, which starts in 2005, shows religious and/or reformist intellectuals try to put forward the political secularism and make it attractable to the large masses. Three prominent figures of reformist intellectualism Abdolkarim Soroush, Mohsen Kadivar and Akbar Ganji form the basic vocabulary of political secularism in the post-reformist period of Iran. Their intellectual and political struggle against the Islamic regime’s anti-democratic policies and actions do carry significance not only for Iranian democracy but also for all Muslim people around the world that demand a more equal, free, and just society. The political and intellectual discourses of Iranian intellectuals indicate that political secularism is a requirement of democratic state and society. In this paper, it is discussed the relationship between political secularism, state, society, and Islam. Thus, it will be argued that secularism as a political principle is increasingly held by Iranian intellectuals to show the relation between secularism and democracy.

Keywords: political secularism, Iranian intellectuals, democracy, Middle East

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Authors: Moshreka Aditi Huq

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This study shows how a progressive portion of civil intellectuals in Bangladesh contributed as the solidarity activist entities in a movement of tea workers that became the symbol of their unique moral struggle. Their passive yet sharp way of resistance, with the integration of mass tea workers of a tea estate, got demonstrated against certain private companies and government officials who approached to establish a special economic zone inside the tea garden without offering any compensation and rehabilitation for poor tea workers. Due to massive protests and rebellion, the authorized entrepreneurs had to step back and called off the project immediately. The extraordinary features of this movement generated itself from the deep core social need of indigenous tea workers who are still imprisoned in the colonial cage. Following an anthropological and ethnographic perspective, this study adopted the main three techniques of intensive interview, focus group discussion, and laborious observation, to extract empirical data. The intensive interviews were undertaken informally using a mostly conversational approach. Focus group discussions were piloted among various representative groups where observations prevailed as part of the regular documentation process. These were conducted among civil intellectual entities, tea workers, tea estate authorities, civil service authorities, and business officials to obtain a holistic view of the situation. The fieldwork was executed in capital Dhaka city, along with northern areas like Chandpur-Begumkhan Tea Estate of Chunarughat Upazilla and Habiganj city of Habiganj District of Bangladesh. Correspondingly, secondary data were accessed through books, scholarly papers, archives, newspapers, reports, leaflets, posters, writing blog, and electronic pages of social media. The study results find that: (1) civil intellectuals opposed state-sponsored business impositions by producing counter-discourse and struggled against state hegemony through the phases of the movement; (2) instead of having the active physical resistance, civil intellectuals’ strength was preferably in passive form which was portrayed through their intellectual labor; (3) the combined movement of tea workers and civil intellectuals reflected on social security of ethnic worker communities that contrasts state’s pseudo-development motives which ultimately supports offensive and oppressive neoliberal growths of economy; (4) civil intellectuals are revealed as having certain functional limitations in the process of movement organization as well as resource mobilization; (5) in specific contexts, the genuine need of protest by indigenous subaltern can overshadow intellectual elitism and helps to raise the voices of ‘subjugated knowledge’. This study is quite likely to represent two sets of apparent protagonist entities in the discussion of social injustice and oppressive development intervention. On the one, hand it may help us to find the basic functional characteristics of civil intellectuals in Bangladesh when they are in a passive mode of resistance in social movement issues. On the other hand, it represents the community ownership and inherent protest tendencies of indigenous workers when they feel threatened and insecure. The study seems to have the potential to understand the conditions of ‘subjugated knowledge’ of subalterns. Furthermore, being the memory and narratives, these ‘activism mechanisms’ of social entities broadens the path to understand ‘power’ and ‘resistance’ in more fascinating ways.

Keywords: civil intellectuals, resistance, subjugated knowledge, indigenous

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Authors: Saleh Maina

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There is an on-going debate among intellectuals and scholars of international relations and world politics over the direction which the world is heading particularly in the current era of globalization. On the one hand are adherents to the convergence thesis which is premised on the assumption that global social order is tending toward universalism which could translate into the possible end of the classical state system and the unification of world societies under a single and common ideological dispensation. The convergence thesis is hinged on the globalization process which is gradually reducing world societies into a 'global village'. On the other hand are intellectuals who hold the view that despite advances made in communication technology which appear to threaten the survival of the classical state system. Invariance, as expressed in the survival of the existing state system and the diverse social traditions in world societies, remain a realistic possibility contrary to the conclusions of the convergence thesis. The invariance thesis has been advanced by scholars like Samuel P. Huntington whose work on clash of civilizations suggests that world peace can only be sustained through the co-habitation of diverse civilizations across the world. The purpose of this paper is to examine both sides of the debate with the aim of making a realistic assessment on where world societies are headed, between convergence and invariance. Using the realist theory of international relations as our theoretical premise the paper argues that while there is sufficient ground to predict the future direction of world societies as headed towards some form of convergence, invariance as expressed in the co-existence of diverse civilizations will for a long time remain a major feature of the international system.

Keywords: convergence, invariance, clash of civilization, classical state system, universalism

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Authors: Alessandro Andre Leme

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To analyze three Brazilian think tanks: a) Fernando Henrique Foundation; b) Celso Furtado International Center; c) Millennium Institute and how they dispute interpretations about the type of development and State that should be adopted in Brazil. We will make use of Network and content analysis of the sites. The analyzes show a dispute that goes from a defense of ultraliberalism to developmentalism, going through a hybrid between State and Market voiced in each of the Think Tanks.

Keywords: sociopolitical and economic thinking, development, strategies, intellectuals, state

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Authors: Imbesat Daudi

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Islamophobia, which is a billion-dollar industry, is widespread, especially in the United States, Europe, India, Israel, and countries that have Muslim minorities at odds with their governmental policies. Hatred of Islam in the West did not evolve spontaneously; it was methodically created. Islamophobia's current format has been designed to spread on its own, find a space in the Western psyche, and resist its eradication. Hatred has been sustained by neoconservative ideologues and their allies, which are supported by the mainstream media. Social scientists have evaluated how ideas spread, why any idea can go viral, and where new ideas find space in our brains. This was possible because of the advances in the computational power of software and computers. Spreading of ideas, including Islamophobia, follows a sine curve; it has three phases: An initial exploratory phase with a long lag period, an explosive phase if ideas go viral, and the final phase when ideas find space in the human psyche. In the initial phase, the ideas are quickly examined in a center in the prefrontal lobe. When it is deemed relevant, it is sent for evaluation to another center of the prefrontal lobe; there, it is critically examined. Once it takes a final shape, the idea is sent as a final product to a center in the occipital lobe. This center cannot critically evaluate ideas; it can only defend them from its critics. Counterarguments, no matter how scientific, are automatically rejected. Therefore, arguments that could be highly effective in the early phases are counterproductive once they are stored in the occipital lobe. Anti-Islamophobic intellectuals have done a very good job of countering Islamophobic arguments. However, they have not been as effective as neoconservative ideologues who have promoted anti-Muslim rhetoric that was based on half-truths, misinformation, or outright lies. The failure is partly due to the support pro-war activists receive from the mainstream media, state institutions, mega-corporations engaged in violent conflicts, and think tanks that provide Islamophobic arguments. However, there are also scientific reasons why anti-Islamophobic thinkers have been less effective. There are different dynamics of spreading ideas once they are stored in the occipital lobe. The human brain is incapable of evaluating further once it accepts ideas as its own; therefore, a different strategy is required to be effective. This paper examines 1) why anti-Islamophobic intellectuals have failed in changing the minds of non-Muslims and 2) the steps of countering hatred. Simply put, a new strategy is needed that can effectively counteract hatred of Islam and Muslims. Islamophobia is a disease that requires strong measures. Fighting hatred is always a challenge, but if we understand why Islamophobia is taking root in the twenty-first century, one can succeed in challenging Islamophobic arguments. That will need a coordinated effort of Intellectuals, writers and the media.

Keywords: islamophobia, Islam and violence, anti-islamophobia, demonization of Islam

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Authors: Sujit Kumar, Anita Surroch

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Indian culture, religions, literature and philosophy has attracted attention of the scholars across the globe since time immemorial. They endeavoured to interpret these dimensions as per their comprehension of Indian Society. The present paper is an attempt to portray a critical analysis of traditional bases of Indian Society as articulated by the great Indians who immensely contributed by shaping, practicing and passing these sub-systems on to the successive generations. India was endowed with a class of intellectuals par excellence during ancient times that traversed lengths and breaths of the country, interacted with the people, understood their capabilities & limitations and needs and churned such knowledge with their fellow beings. It witnessed an era of emergence of Varnashrama, Purushartha, Dharma and Sanskara system. Mention of Varna system in the Purush hymn of Rigveda, Vrihadyaranyak Upnishda. Shantiparva of Mahabharata, the Gita and the interpretations offered by Lord Krishna, Bhrigua Rishi, Yudhishtra and philosophers of modern times give a glimpse of macro level division of labour in ancient Indian Society. The Ashrama system, the four stages of life as referred to in Upnishdas (Chandogaya, Jawali) Sutras (Vashisht Dharma Sutra, Gautma Dharma Sutra), Smritis (Manusmiriti) and four step ladder described by Ved Vyasa is a comprehensive scheme of harmonious development of physical, mental and spiritual capabilities of human beings during different stages of life. The Purushartha, the four broad duties (Dharama, Artha, Kama & Moksha) of human being, lays emphasis on discharging duties as per ones Varna, Ashrama and also keeping in view the time, space and circumstances. Sanskaras are methods and a process to purify mind, body and soul. Today, one gets refraction (not reflection as shades of beliefs, customs practices and interpretations of Varnashrama, Purushartha, Dharma and Sanskara in letter and spirit has undergone changes) of such traditional bases from the writings of Indologists and other scholars.

Keywords: intellectuals, Rigveda, Sanskaras, traditional

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Authors: Sicheng Liu

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Zhang Ming is a never-A-listed writer-director in China who is famous for his poetic art-house filmmaking in mainland China, and his complex to spectacles of tiny places in south China. Entirely, Zhang’s works concentrate on the interconnection amongst settlement images, desirable fictional storytelling, and the dilemma of alienated interpersonal relationships. Zhang uses his pendulous camerawork to reconstruct the spectacles of his hometown and detached places in northern China, such as hometown Wushan county, lower-tier cities or remote areas that close to nature, where the old spectacles are experiencing great transformation and vanishment. Under his camera, the cities' geo-cultural and geopolitical implications which are not only a symbolic meaning that these places are not only settlements for residents to live but also representations to the abstraction of time-lapse, dimensional disorientation and revealment to people’s innerness. Zhang Ming is good at creating the essay-like expression, poetic atmosphere and vague metaphors in films, so as to show the sensitivity, aimlessness and slight anxiety of Chinese wenren (intellectuals), whose unique and objective experiences to a few aspects inside or outside their the living circumstance, typically for example, transformation of the environment, obscure expression to inner desire and aspirations, personal loneliness because of being isolated, slight anxiety to the uncertainty of life, and other mental dilemma brought by maladjustment. Also, Zhang’s works impressed the audience as slow cinemas, via creating stillness, complicity and fluidity of images and sound, by decompressing liner time passing and wandering within the enclosed loopback-space with his camera, so as to produce poeticized depiction and mysterious dimensions in films. This paper aims to summarize these mentioned features of Zhang’s films, by analyzing filmic texts and film-making styles, in order to prove an outcome that as a wenren-turned-filmmaker, Zhang Ming is good at use metaphor to create an artistic situation to depict the poetry in films and portray characteristics. In addition to this, Zhang Ming’s style relatively reflects some aesthetic features of Chinese wenren cinema.

Keywords: Chinese wenren cinema, intellectuals’ awareness, slow cinema,  slowness and dampness, people and environment

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Authors: Min Koo Choi

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The paper will examine Im Sun-dŭk’s two short stories, 'Iryoil' (Sunday, 1937) and 'Nazuoya' (A Godmother, 1942), which illuminate the subjects of Korean intellectuals going through the later period of a harsh and oppressive Japanese colonial rule. When Japan went to war against China in 1937, Korea, a colony of Japan since 1910, became an outpost for Japanese expansionism into China, and the Korean people were mobilized into the war effort. Nationalist movements and radical ideas that posed a threat and opposition to Japanese colonial rule in Korea and its colonial expansionism were ruthlessly suppressed, and Koreans were forcibly assimilated into becoming Japanese citizens without political rights. Racial discrimination between Koreans and Japanese was prevalent. Im Sun-dŭk, who participated in the Socialist movement in the 1930s, had his debut as a literary writer and a critic in the late 1930s, when Korean literary society was reincorporated in order to collaborate with the Japanese war effort through writing and public speech. Sun-duk's writing illuminates the unique internal landscape of a female subject who strives to live on while preserving her commitment and dignity under the circumstances that force Korean intellectuals either to collaborate with or acquiesce to Japanese colonial rule. 'Iryoil' (Sunday, 1937) foregrounds an educated intellectual, Hyeyŏng, who supplies her fiancé in prison for political involvement in resistance against Japan. On Sundays, she turns down her friends’ suggestion for enjoying holidays outside, due to her indebtedness to her fiancé. Her fiancé's imprisonment indicates the social conscience that still remains, and she seeks to share the commitment and suffering with her fiancé. The short story 'Nazuoya' (A Godmother, 1942), written in Japanese due to the suppression of Korean language publications at the time, also problematizes Japanese policy that forces Koreans to change their names into Japanese. Through the narrator I, who struggles to find a meaningful name for her cousin brother’s baby, she highlights how meaningful one’s name is for one’s life and identity. What makes her two stories unique is that her writing draws other people’s confessions into its own narrative through fragmentary forms, such as part of letter or reflection. The voices of others are intersected with the main character in 'Iryoil' (Sunday, 1937) and a narrator in 'Nazuoya' (A Godmother, 1942). In many ways, the narrator and main character provide the confessional voices who display the characters' gloomy interiorities. Even though these confessional voices do not share the commitment and values, both the main character and I in the stories reveal a more open set of viewpoints to them. In this way, they seek to form bonds and encouragement and acquire a more resilient sensibility that embraces those who strive to survive and endure in the gloomy days of the later period of Japanese colonial rule.

Keywords: Im Sun-dŭk, Japanese colonial rule, Korean literature, socialist movement

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Authors: Songul Miftakhov

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This study explores political representation and engagement of Eastern and Southeastern Anatolia regions, known to have dense Kurdish population and referred further to as Eastern region, in the Turkish parliament between 1946 and 1980. Traditional local notables had most of the privileges to be represented given their connectedness with political parties. Traditional local notables integrated into right-wing parties considering political and economic aspects. At the same time, they kept control over local political involvement channels. As a result, political representation and presence were monopolized at central, local and civil society levels. One part of Kurdish intellectuals was marginalized from the parliament after addressing issues in Eastern Anatolia and trying to develop solutions apart from the mainstream. Some of them took part in Kurdish oppositional left wing in the 1960s and jounced power of settled notables in 1970s in local administrations or as independent members of the parliament.

Keywords: Kurdish representation, parliament, local nobles, Eastern and Southeastern Anatolia

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Authors: Paula Pita Galán

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In 1920 Georgiana Goddard King, an Art Historian and Professor at Bryn Mawr College (PA, USA) published The Way of Saint James (New York: P.G. Putnam’s Sons), one of the earliest modern guides of this pilgrimage route. In its three volumes the author described the towns and villages crossed by the Camino, talking about the history, traditions, monuments, and the people that she had met during her own pilgrimage between 1911 and 1914, travelling with funds of the Hispanic Society of New York. The cultural interest that motivated the journey explains how King intertwines in her narration history, anthropology, geography, art history and religion, giving as a result a book targeted to intellectuals, curious travelers and tourist rather than to pilgrims, in a moment in which the pilgrimage to Santiago had almost disappeared as a practice. The Way of Saint James is barely known nowadays so the aim of this research is disseminate it, focusing on the modernity of its approach and pointing at the link that it has with Georgiana King’s understanding of art as a product of the culture and civilization that produces it.

Keywords: Spanish cultural heritage, Georgiana Goddard king, pilgrimage, the way of Saint James

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Authors: Zohreh Ramin

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One of the most important contributions that Edward Said has had in the realm of critical theory is his insistence on the worldliness of the text and the critic. By this, Said meant that the critic and the text must be considered in their ‘material’ contexts. Foregrounding the substantial role of a critic as embodying what he refers to as ‘critical consciousness’, a true critic, Said maintains, is one who can stand between the ‘dominant culture’ and ‘the totalizing forms of critical systems.’ Considered as one of Iran’s major contemporary intellectuals, Jalal Ale Ahmad is responsible for introducing the idea of ‘Westoxication’ in Iran, constructing a social paradigm of the necessity to return to tradition in contemporary Iran. The present paper intends to study Al-Ahmad’s definition of the orient versus the occident, his criticism of the ‘machination’ of contemporary Iranian society, and his solution to the problem of ‘Westoxication’. The objective of this study is to see whether Ale Ahmad can be considered as embodying the spirit of ‘critical consciousness’ as described by Said as the necessary tool in the hands of an intellectual who is simultaneously attached filitavely to his culture but can detach himself affilitavely through employing critical consciousness.

Keywords: Westoxication, filiative, affiliative, machination

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Authors: Dovile Kuzminskaite

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Rosario Castellanos is one of the most important Mexican writers; in her poetry and essays, she demythologizes social stereotypes about womanhood that were deeply present in Mexican society of the XXth century. In her extent poetic work, Rosario Castellanos demythologizes such concepts as romance, marriage, and motherhood, showing them in a way which did not agree with the norms of the catholic based society of her times. The aim of this research is to analyze the poetry of Rosario Castellanos working on sematic and structural levels and to investigate closely how she represents motherhood, what is the role of mother and the relationship of mother and child in her poems. Also, it is of interest to observe what are the elements used in the process of creating a different concept of motherhood. In order to reflect on this subject, this research will be based on semiotics, queer studies, and the philosophy of Michel Foucault, who introduces the concept of power when reflecting on gender and society. Rosario Castellanos turned into an example of disobedience and otherness for a generation of intellectuals in Spanish speaking countries, and because of this reason, it is of great importance to understand the politic and social statements that are represented by her poetry.

Keywords: motherhood, women, poetry, Mexico

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Authors: Rosaline Govender

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This research study is an exploration of the self-directed professional development of teachers who teach in public schools in an era of democracy and educational change in South Africa. Amidst an ever-changing educational system, the teachers in this study position themselves as self-directed teacher-learners where they adopt particular learning practices which enable change within the broader discourses of public schooling. Life-story interviews were used to enter into the private and public spaces of five teachers which offer glimpses of how particular systems shaped their identities, and how the meanings of self-directed teacher-learner shaped their learning practices. Through the Multidimensional framework of analysis and interpretation the teachers’ stories were analysed through three lenses: restorying the field texts - the self through story; the teacher-learner in relation to social contexts, and practices of self-directed learning.This study shows that as teacher-learners learn for change through self-directed learning practices, they develop their agency as transformative intellectuals, which is necessary for the reworking of South African public schools.

Keywords: professional development, professionality, professionalism, self-directed learning

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Authors: Li Jiawei

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In the mid-1920s, Chinese dramatist Yu Shangyuan rallied a group of intellectuals and launched the National Theatre Movement to champion the incorporation of Chinese operatic resources into modern spoken drama. In 1927, the fluctuating milieu impelled Yu and most of his comrades to leave Beijing, rendering the movement a truncated undertaking. Offering to illuminate the influence or reverberation of the movement, this research examines Yu’s translation of J. M. Barrie’ s The Admirable Crichton, the first play Yu published upon returning to Beijing in 1929. It unveils that Yu still espoused the value of Chinese opera on modern stage, but his perception of drama was more instructive and rooted in theatre’s fundamental traditions, customs, and mechanics. Influenced by Sheldon Cheney’s theatrical idea, Yu aligned Western realistic drama with “psychologic drama” and Chinese opera with “aesthetic drama” and argued for a “re-theatricalized drama” that could “present psychologic drama aesthetically.” With such a perception, Yu chose to translate a psychologic drama and strove to imbue the play with an aesthetic spirit by inserting symbolic stage designs and employing poetic language. The exploration of Yu’s translation of The Admirable Crichton sheds light on the new insights that translation studies might bring to theatre historiography.

Keywords: Yu Shangyuan, translation, drama, modern China

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Authors: Oliver Benoit

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On 13 March 1979, a left-wing political party formed in the 1970s overthrew Eric Gairy's government and established the People's Revolutionary Government which governed Grenada from (1979-1983). On the morning of 13 March 1979, the People's Revolutionary Government leader, Maurice Bishop, appealed to the people of Grenada to assist the forces of the revolution in consolidating its newly acquired political power. A cross-section of the Grenadian population responded positively to Maurice Bishop's appeal. Within the four and a half years of the revolution, noticeable social, political, and economic changes affected all areas of social life before internal divisions caused the revolution's collapse. Forty-two years following the revolution's collapse, intellectuals and commentators continue to argue about the impact of the Grenada Revolution on societal and national development. However, the revolution's impact on the spread of nationalism in Grenada is yet to be analyzed. Nationalism, as a modern phenomenon, has impacted many societies since its emergence in England in the seventeenth century, and Grenada is no exception. The paper argues that the Grenada Revolution was motivated by nationalist sentiments and the revolution itself fostered the development of nationalism in Grenada. The argument relies on 40 interviews; people who currently reside in Grenada (2020) and live in Grenada during the revolution as young adults and adults (ages 15 and beyond) and have memories of their experiences of the revolution. The sample of 40 respondence represents about 20,000 people in Grenada who are within the study population between 55 and 75 years today (2020).

Keywords: grenada, motivation, nationalism, revolution

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Authors: Ruanzhenghao Shi

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Student movements have persisted in mainland China, especially in elite universities since the Tiananmen Prodemocracy Movement, contrary to the lack of studies on them. However, the participants' repertoire, mobilization and mode of interaction with authorities are vastly different from their predecessors in the 1980s as well as their western counterparts. In most of the cases, agents, cognizant of the high cost of action and their vulnerability to the authorities, consciously curtailed certain repertoire and themes of resistance. Thus these movements, without appreciable organized force, were self-interested, fragmentally mobilized, lowly integrated and limited within the campus. This study documents the 2014 protest against Yanching Academy program at Peking University, a top-tier Chinese university that played the leading role in the 1989 protest. The 2014 case is different from abovementioned trend of submissive resistance in the last twenty years, insofar as it is a value-oriented and emotion-driven collective action with the resurgence of some repertoire. The participants perceived the university's contemporary ineffectiveness and clumsiness in control and administration, higher Party authorities' indifference to less-political themes, and an increasing number of potential advocates, including students, intellectuals and social media. It shows that resisters' perception of their relative strength to their opponents - in this case, the university and its system for controlling students - under specific circumstances, not merely political opportunities or institutional changes, stimulates the participants and thus contributes to the mobilization and organization of a collective action, even under severe social control.

Keywords: collective action, China, university students, resistance

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Authors: Imbesat Daudi

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One of the most discussed topics of the last century happens to be if Islamic civilization is violent. Many Western intellectuals have promoted the notion that Islamic civilization is violent. Citing 9/11, in which 3000 civilians were killed, they argue that Muslims are prone to violence because Islam promotes violence. However, Muslims reject this notion as nonsense. This topic has not been properly addressed. First, violence of civilizations cannot be proven by citing religious texts, which have been used in discussions over civilizational violence. Secondly, the question of whether Muslims are violent is inappropriate, as there is implicit bias suggesting that Islamic civilization is violent. A proper question should be which civilization is more violent. Third, whether Islamic civilization is indeed violent can only be established if more war-related casualties can be documented within the borders of Islamic civilization than that of their cohorts. This has never been done. Finally, the violent behavior of Muslim countries can be examined by comparing acts of violence committed by Muslim countries with acts of violence of groups of nations belonging to other civilizations by appropriate parameters of violence. Therefore, parameters reflecting group violence have been defined; violent conflicts of various civilizations of the last two centuries were documented, quantified by number of conflicts and number of victims, and compared with each other by following the established principles of statistics. The results show that whereas 80% of genocides and massacres were conducted by Western nations, less than 5% of acts of violence were committed by Muslim countries. Furthermore, the West has the highest incidence (new) and prevalence (new and old) of violent conflicts among all groups of nations. The result is unambiguous and statistically significant. Becoming informed can only be done by a methodical collection of relevant data, objective analysis of data, and unbiased information, a process which this paper follows.

Keywords: Islam and violence, demonization of Muslims, violence and the West, comparison of civilizational violence

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Authors: Muhammad Noor Hossain

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The biography of the father of the nation is the path of national life. It is natural that the ideals of the father will be reflected in his nation. In the interest of themselves, it is necessary to keep the father of the nation above controversy as well as necessary to research various aspects of his life. In that light, various aspects of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's (1920-1975 AD) life are being researched at home and abroad. He is the father of Bengali nation, the architect of Bangladesh's independence, the best Bengali of a thousand years, and a beacon of thought and consciousness of the nation. It is unfortunate but true that there are still doubts among the nation about his religious thought. There are many political and historical reasons behind this. Many consider him to be anti-Islamic. Before independence of Bangladesh, Pakistanis called him Islamophobic, accused India's broker and hero of partitioning Islamic Republic of Pakistan. He was also accused of secularism as the post-independence constitution of Bangladesh adopted secularism as one of its fundamental principles. Many called him a communist due to the inclusion of socialism in the constitution. On the other hand, some intellectuals did not hesitate to call him sectarian after seeing his devotion to religion. As the architect of freedom and the father of the nation, his religious thought should be clear. In the interest of national unity and solidarity, it is necessary to verify the truth of the charges against him and come to a decision. The article was written with the aim of clarifying his religious thought and removing doubts about them. This is an endeavor to review the charges of communalism, secularism, and socialism practiced by him. It is written in the historical and analytical method. The major findings are that he is not communist in the meaning of atheist, nor communalist in the meaning of fundamentalist. He is not socialist or secularist in the meaning of anti-religion. He is a moderate Muslim and devoted to righteousness.

Keywords: Sheikh Mujubur Rahman, religious thought, secularism, socialism, communalism, Constitution of Bangladesh of 1972

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Authors: Ali Mahfouz

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Egypt's cultural heritage and artistic riches find themselves at a complex intersection of preservation and urban development, where they face intricate challenges exacerbated by climate change, pollution, urbanization, and construction activities. In this research, it delves into the multifaceted dynamics involved in conserving Egypt's heritage within urban contexts, spotlighting the historic Cairo cemetery as a poignant and timely case study. The historic Cairo cemetery serves as a repository of priceless cultural assets, housing the final resting places of public figures, artists, historians, politicians, and other luminaries. These graves are adorned with magnificent artworks and rare tombstones, collectively representing an irreplaceable slice of Egypt's history and culture. Yet, the looming threat of demolition to make way for new infrastructure projects underscores the delicate equilibrium that preservation efforts must maintain in the face of urban development pressures. This paper illuminates the collaborative efforts of historians, intellectuals, and civil society organizations who are determined to forestall the destruction of this invaluable cultural heritage. Their initiatives, driven by a shared commitment to documenting and safeguarding the cemetery's treasures, underscore the urgent imperative of protecting Egypt's cultural legacy. Through this case study, It gain insights into how Egypt navigates the challenges of preserving its rich heritage amidst urban expansion and a changing climate, emphasizing the broader importance of heritage conservation in an evolving world.

Keywords: Egypt’s cultural heritage, urban development, historic Cairo cemetery, tombstone artworks, demolition threat, heritage conservation, civil society initiatives

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Authors: Birendra Mahato, Shiva Narayan Chaudhary

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Tharus are indigenous inhabitants of the Tarai, the narrow strip of flat and fertile land that lies at the foothills of the Himalayas. They have unique rituals, festivals, and music, while their clothes and ornaments are similar to some ethnic groups of India. After the control of malaria in the Terai between 1955 to 1965, (with the help of the U.S. Government, the WHO and the government of Nepal) the rate of in-migration skyrocketed, particularly of Nepal’s hill people, whose culture, along with the use of the Western education system, was gradually adopted by the Tharus. Among the many challenges, the Tharus face is their assimilation into the dominant Nepali culture. .The Tharus are thus under threat of slowly losing their ethnic identity and cultural values. In order to preserve the indigenous Tharu Culture, Tharu Cultural Museum, and Research Center. It is a community based non-governmental and non-profitable museum established in 2005 by Tharu intellectuals, traditional leaders and youths. The main goal of the museum is to preserve Tharu culture through different activities with direct and indirect involvement of community people. It aims to preserve arts, culture, handicrafts, and artifacts related to Indigenous Tharu People. Similarly, the museum displays an exhibition about the Tharu histories, lives, culture, and their indigenous knowledge and skills. The paper aims to demonstrate that community museums can be one of the key hubs for the preservation of culture with the collection and promotion of cultural objects, artifacts, and intangible cultural heritages. The preservation of culture not only has contributed to establishing their ethnic identity but also has contributed to establishing their recognition of their political space in the mainstream politics - the constitution of Nepal has recognized Tharus to provide reservation for the political space.

Keywords: community museum, tharu, , identity, culture

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Authors: Sara Rute Monteiro Silva Sousa

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Since the second half of the 20th century, environmental problems began to generate deep concern around the world. The harmful effects of human's irresponsible actions are increasingly evident, profoundly affecting biodiversity and even human health. Given the seriousness of this human footprint, governments, organizations, and civil society must all be more proactive and adopt more effective measures to solve environmental problems and promote sustainable development. This can be achieved through different tools, namely through a more efficient education that enables current and future generations to meet their needs in an integrated approach to the economic, social, and environmental dimensions of sustainable development. In this context, schools play a key role, being responsible for educating today's students and tomorrow's leaders, decision makers, intellectuals, managers, politicians, employers, and parents. Aware of this crucial role of education and schools, the Foundation for Environmental Education created the Eco-Schools program in 1992, ensuring that schools develop a whole-school approach to environmental and sus-tainable education. This research aims to increase knowledge and information about the efficiency of the Eco-Schools program as a promoter of more sustainable schools and communities. This research study analyses a specific case of a Portuguese higher education institution in the area of management, accounting, and administration. A description, reflection, and discussion are made on some of the main measures implemented in the last academic year of 2021/22 within the scope of the Eco-Schools program, concluding that, despite some implementation difficulties, the program was successfully developed, involving the participation of students, teachers, staff, and outside school community members, being awarded with the Green Flag as a recognition of its key contribution to a more sustainable society.

Keywords: sustainable development, environmental education, eco-schools program, higher education institutions, portugal

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Authors: Shantanu Majumder

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This paper attempts to explain the factors contribute in attracting and engaging rural women in Bangladesh toward political Islam that in many cases manifests itself in the form of violent extremism (VE). Bangladesh, the fourth largest Muslim majority country in the world, has been confronting the problem of VE in the name of Islam since a long. The political Islamists, explaining the events like military operations in Afghanistan and Iraq, anti-Muslim politics in neighboring India and Myanmar, Islamophobia in the West, and several other issues in their own way, have become to a vast extent successful in creating a high level of emotion, anger and a feeling of being oppressed worldwide among the ordinary Muslims masses. Half-hearted role of public intellectuals and political expediency of liberal political forces in explaining these events in a secular democratic way also facilitate the extremists to earn political dividend. VE was perceived as an all-male activism of the political Islamists’ in the past in Bangladesh. However, evidence in the recent times shows that there are sympathizers, recruiters, and perpetrators as well among the womenfolk in favor of VE-based political Islam. The first section in this paper sheds light on the way the political Islamists build rapport with and win over the heart of target women in countryside under the camouflage of preaching authentic Islam. This section also describes the role of family in involvement of women in VE. The second section discusses wide-ranging use of websites, facebook, laptop, mobile phones and several other means in the way to motivate and radicalize women. How the involvement with political Islamists brings changes in thinking process, lifestyle and family life of motivated women has been focused in the third section. The final section deals briefly with the way out relying on the argument that law and order forces alone cannot tackle this problem.

Keywords: Bangladesh, political Islam, violent extremism, women

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Authors: Urooj Shafique, Salman Jamil

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In the context of an urban human life, city requires to meeting some standards which, at a glance are called the standards of a quality life. Measuring the quality of life according to particular social, economic and cultural conditions of a country and also the emphasis of a country twenty years visions on this issue has special importance. Cultural gathering spaces improve social and economic vitality on one side and on the other side provide favorable conditions for citizen leisure. But unfortunately these cultural gathering spaces in our society are losing their meaning and importance with time. Like coffee houses and libraries. Dedhee was the most prominent place among the cultural gathering spaces in Hazara division. People used to visit them in order to get something out of these spaces. At present they lie in our cities as places of no interest. Libraries are converted into storage houses where books lie untouched for years and years. The aim of my project is to create unique space that engage community members in the learning and creation process, where people can share their knowledge with others as well as enjoy their personal space. The spaces are flexible enough to accommodate people of different moods and interests, with the purpose of helping communities to become aware of their own cultures and to be socially engaged. The site for this specific project has been selected near Cantonment Park Abbottabad, Pakistan. The city of Abbottabad is famous for its writers, poets and storytellers. The site is selected next to the Cantonment Park, at a central location in the whole city so that it can attract users from almost every point of the city. The project provides a cultural gathering space for the people of the city where they can sit and discuss their ideas within a creative and expressive environment, which can represent the cultures of a community.

Keywords: cultural gathering space, Dedhee, Hazara literature, intellectuals’ hub

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Authors: Selma Aitsaid

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Disney canon texts, mainly animations, are believed to have authority over children’s identities. However, most research on Disney tends to focus either on textual analysis, or Western and non-western adult audiences. In fact, there is a lack of scholarship on Disney child audiences from non-western countries though children are believed to be Disney‘s main target audience, and Disney is a global corporation that appeals to audiences from all over the world as well. Therefore, qualitative research was conducted by interviewing around twenty five Algerian disabled tweens between the age 11 to 14 on their familiarity and identification with Disney animations. The reason behind choosing disabled children is because minority groups have not been interviewed on their possible interpretations of Disney animations despite the fact that these texts have been interpreted by some scholars as being inclusive of minority groups such as queer and disabled people. To that end, this project aims to decolonize disability and Global Southern Academia by three ways. The first way is to uncover inequalities of the metropolitan thought enshrined in the global power of the metropole vis a vis the subaltern. This approach was called postcolonialism. The second way is to value non-western academic and non-academic resources. This is the project of ‘indigenous knowledge. The third way is to analyse the forms of knowledge that were produced by intellectuals in colonized countries as a response to Western Academic hegemony. Consequently, this research endeavored to unravel the inequality, the dynamics of neocolonialism and subordination to colonial discourses within the Algerian discourse on disability and other knowledge such as tweenhood, childhood and non-western viewership, which are mainly defined through Western lenses. Algerian resources were included with the aim of enhancing an academic collaboration between the North and South as well. The findings showed that the postcolonial context had an impact on how children perceive Disney animations. They also demonstrated that children are able to negotiate the meaning of Disney texts within their own context.

Keywords: child audiences, Algeria, childhood, disability, Disney animations, global South, postcolonialism, tweens, Western hegemony

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Authors: Dina Tawfic, Robert Hassan

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The current chapter addresses Al-Azhar's strategy to counter extremism in tandem with reflecting on the ideology of the Islamic establishment itself. The topic is motivated by the fact that some of the Western governments have been relying on Al-Azhar to counter the ideology of Islamist radicalism and violent extremism, in particular during the rise of the Islamic State in Syria and Iraq (known as ISIS/ ISIL/ Daesh) in 2014/2015. In his visit to Egypt in June 2016, Brett McGurk, the then U.S. envoy for the global coalition to counter ISIS, commended Al-Azhar’s “intellectual and reforming role” in refuting the ideology of extremism. On the other hand, Egyptian liberal intellectuals, such as Farag Fouda (1945- 1992) and Nasr Hamed Abu Zeid (1943-2010), had always questioned the ideological capability of Al-Azhar to counter extremism, citing the rigidity and resistance of the Islamic establishment to carry out genuine reformation. This chapter aims to discuss the following research questions: what is the strategy of Al-Azhar to counter extremism? Does Al-Azhar have a solid strategy to combat online propaganda produced by violent extremist groups? Is it applicable to identify Al-Azhar ideological identity? and is it capable of countering extremism? To answer these questions, I conducted intensive interviews with seven senior scholars and officials at Al-Azhar and the Endowments ministry from September to December 2020. Using a qualitative approach as a backdrop, this project uses semi-structured interviews to collect data. Participants were briefed on the purpose of the study and consented to be interviewed and to record their interviews. Some of the participants chose to conceal their names. All the interviews were conducted in Arabic via Zoom. The researcher then transcribed and translated the interviews into English. A purposive sample is used to select the seven interviewees, based on their prominence and experience in the field of counter-extremism and Al-Azhar affairs. The researcher uses a snowball sample to select the sample, in which a personal contact recommends other officials within the establishment.

Keywords: Al-Azhar, Egypt, Counter-Extremism, Political Islam, Ideology

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Authors: Abdul Nasir Zamir

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After the downfall of Ottoman Caliphate, it scattered into different small Muslim states. Muslim leaders, intellectuals, revivalists as well as modernists started trying to boost up their nation. Some Muslims are also trying to establish the caliphate. Every Muslim country has its own political system, i.e., kingship, dictatorship or democracy, etc. But these are not in their original forms as the historian or political science discussed in their studies. The laws and their practice are mixed, i.e., others with Islamic laws, e.g., Saudi Arabia (K.S.A) and the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, etc. There is great conflict among the revivalist Muslim parties (groups) and governments about political systems. The question is that the subject matter is Sharia or political system? Leaders of Modern Muslim states are alleged as disbelievers due to neglecting the revelation in their laws and decisions. There are two types of laws; Islamic laws and management laws. The conflict is that the non-Islamic laws are in practice in Muslim states. Non-Islamic laws can be gradually changed with Islamic laws with a legal and peaceful process according to the practice of former Muslim leaders and scholars. The bloodshed of Muslims is not allowed in any case. Weak Muslim state is a blessing than nothing. The political system after Muhammad and guided caliphs is considered as kingship. But during this period Muslims not only developed in science and technology but conquered many territories also. If the original aim is in practice, then the Modern Muslim states can be stabled with different political systems. Modern Muslim states are the hope of survival, stability, and development of Muslim Ummah. Islam does not allow arm clash with Muslim army or Muslim civilians. The caliphate is based on believing in one Allah Almighty and good deeds according to Quran and Sunnah. As faith became weak and good deeds became less from its standard level, caliphate automatically became weak and even ended. The last weak caliphate was Ottoman Caliphate which was a hope of all the Muslims of the world. There is no caliphate or caliph present in the world. But every Muslim country or state is like an Amarat (a part of caliphate or small and alternate form of the caliphate) of Muslims. It is the duty of all Muslims to stable these modern Muslim states with tolerance.

Keywords: caliphate, conflict resolution, modern Muslim state, political conflicts, political systems, tolerance

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Authors: Anuradha Sajjanhar

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The rise of authoritarian populist regimes has been accompanied by hardened nationalism and heightened divisions between 'us' and 'them'. Political actors reinforce these sentiments through coercion, but also through inciting fear about imagined threats and by transforming public discourse about policy concerns. Extremist ideas can penetrate national policy, as newly appointed intellectuals and 'experts' in knowledge-producing institutions, such as government committees, universities, and think tanks, succeed in transforming public discourse. While attacking left and liberal academics, universities, and the press, the current Indian government is building new institutions to provide authority to its particularly rigid, nationalist discourse. This paper examines the building of a Hindu-nationalist intellectual ecosystem in India, interrogating the key role of hyper-nationalist think tanks. While some are explicit about their political and ideological leanings, others claim neutrality and pursue their agenda through coded technocratic language and resonant historical narratives. Their key is to change thinking by normalizing it. Six years before winning the election in 2014, India’s Hindu-nationalist party, the BJP, put together its own network of elite policy experts. In a national newspaper, the vice-president of the BJP described this as an intentional shift: from 'being action-oriented to solidifying its ideological underpinnings in a policy framework'. When the BJP came to power in 2014, 'experts' from these think tanks filled key positions in the central government. The BJP has since been circulating dominant ideas of Hindu supremacy through regional parties, grassroots political organisations, and civil society organisations. These think tanks have the authority to articulate and legitimate Hindu nationalism within a credible technocratic policy framework. This paper is based on ethnography and over 50 interviews in New Delhi, before and after the BJP’s staggering election victory in 2019. It outlines the party’s attempt to take over existing institutions while developing its own cadre of nationalist policy-making professionals.

Keywords: ideology, politics, South Asia, technocracy

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Authors: David Mason-Cox

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Existing academic analyses of The Beatles cover a huge array of topics. This research explores one clear but multifaceted aspect of The Beatles: the development of their creativity. While its importance cannot be underestimated, a thorough appraisal of the roots of the group’s individual and collective artistic blossoming deserves more attention. This paper investigates the mechanisms that caused or enabled the group to eventually exert such an immense and long-lasting influence on popular music and culture. It suggests that the artistic inspiration of Astrid Kirchherr during their time in Hamburg may be much more far-reaching than has previously been credited. It further addresses the effect of the confluence of conditions and events which essentially ‘hot-housed’ the four working-class Liverpudlians, providing them with the incentives and the means to far exceed their apparent potential. Thirdly, it looks at the competitive nature of The Beatles, both as a group and as individuals, and how that competitive streak sparked them to improve as musicians, songwriters, and showmen. In viewing these triggers through the lens of creative theory, the research attempts to analyse what made The Beatles’ innovative ascendancy so extraordinary and why creativity can be misunderstood. This then is the tale of impressionable youths from post-war austerity Britain; the lure of an artist with strong aesthetic sensibilities in an exotic locale, the media boom of the early 1960s, the machinations of the music business, the national grief in the US following Kennedy’s assassination, and, finally the resilience and determination of four young men who were prepared to take advantage of every opportunity to prove, and improve, themselves -the harbingers of a new creative paradigm. This paper is part of a broader study which also examines how their growth toward artistic maturity informs The Beatles’ significance and impact on the culture and the counterculture during the 1960s and beyond. It will eventually combine critical textual analysis with a series of interviews of musicians, other creatives, and intellectuals. These will be conducted to advance the existing erudition and to develop a more accurate understanding of the group’s cultural influence upon real-world individuals.

Keywords: artistic influence, Beatles, competition, creative theory, new creative paradigm

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Authors: Mehar Fatima

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This study intends to make analysis of Emotional Intelligence (EI) in the process of pedagogy and look into its repercussions in different educational institutions including school, college, and university in the capital state of India, Delhi in 2015. Field of education is a complex area with challenging issues in a modern society. Education is the breeding ground for nurturing human souls, and personalities. Since antiquity, man has been in search of truth, wisdom, contentment, peace. His efforts have brought him to acquire these through hardship, evidently through the process of teaching and learning. Computer aids and artificial intelligence have made life easy but complex. Efficient pedagogy involves direct human intervention despite the flux of technological advancements. Time and again, pedagogical practices demand sincere human efforts to understand and improve upon life’s many pragmatic concerns. Apart from the intense academic scientific approaches, EI in academia plays a vital role in the growth of education, positively achieving national progression; ‘pedagogy of pragmatic purpose.’ Use of literature is found to be one of the valuable pragmatic tools of Emotional Intelligence. This research examines the way literature provides useful influence in building better practices in teaching-learning process. The present project also scrutinizes various pieces of world literature and translation, incorporating efforts of intellectuals in promoting comprehensive amity. The importance of EI in educational arena with its pragmatic uses was established by the study of interviews, and questionnaire collected from teachers and students. In summary the analysis of obtained empirical data makes it possible to accomplish that the use Emotional Intelligence in academic scenario yields multisided positive pragmatic outcomes; positive attitude, constructive aptitude, value-added learning, enthusiastic participation, creative thinking, lower apprehension, diminished fear, leading to individual as well as collective advancement, progress, and growth of pedagogical agents.

Keywords: emotional intelligence, human efforts, pedagogy, pragmatic concerns

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Authors: Oyku Yenen

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The notion of biopolitics, as studied by such intellectuals as Foucault, Agamben, and Negri, is an important guide for comprehending the current understanding of politics. While Foucault evaluates biopolitics as a survival policy, Giorgio Agamben, German legist, identifies the theory with death. Agamben claims the fact we can all considered to be homo sacer who are abandoned by the law, left in the field of exception, and whose killing does not require punishment. Agamben defines the person who is tried by the public for committing a crime but is not allowed to be sacrificed and whose killing is not considered a crime, as 'homo sacer'. This study analyzes how the concept of 'homo sacer' is made visible in TV series such as Çemberimde Gül Oya (Cagan Irmak, 2005-2005), Hatırla Sevgili (Ummu Burhan, 2006-2008), Bu Kalp Seni Unutur Mu? (Aydin Bulut, 2009-1010) all of which portray the period Turkey's 1980 military coup, within the framework of Agamben's thoughts and notions about biopolitics. When the main plots of these abovementioned TV series, which constitute the universe of this study, are scrutinized closely, they lay out the understanding of politics that has existed throughout history and prevails today. Although there is a large number of TV series on the coup of 1980, these three series are the only main productions that specifically focused on the event itself. Our final analysis will reveal that the concepts of homo sacer, bare life, exception, camp have been embodied in different ways in these three series. In these three series, which all deal with similar subjects using differing perspectives, the dominant understanding of politics is clearly conveyed to the audience. In all three series, the reigning power always decides on the exceptions, those who will live, those who will die, and those who will be ignored by law. Such characters as Mehmet, Sinan, Yıldız, Deniz, Defne, all of which we come across in these series, are on trial as a criminals of thought and are subjected to various forms of torture while isolated in an area where they are virtually deprived of law. Their citizenship rights are revoked. All of them are left alone with their bare lives (zoe).

Keywords: bare life, biopolitics, homo sacer, sovereign power, state of exception

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