Search results for: gendered politics

Authors: Yiyan Wu

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In the past several decades, the market transition in China has brought in not only more opportunities for women in the labor market but also more attention to gender inequality in workplace. Although some pieces of literature have mentioned gender inequality and segregation at workplace in China, the paper looks into the variations of gender inequality and segregation: working women have little feeling about 'hierarchical inequalities', which define the status and position of women at the workplace. However, at the same time, they unconsciously reinforced 'horizontal inequalities', which creates gender segregation across occupations and job titles. Using qualitative interviews with women employers and employees of various occupations and job titles in Eastern and Southern China, this paper finds evidence that working women's understandings of the division of labor based on the characteristics and expectations of women and men are not as a result of rationality and efficiency, but instead, are the products of gendered stereotypes and traditions. However, holding positive views of gender equality at workplace, working women are not aware of the existence and influence of such gendered stereotypes and traditions. By distinguishing the concepts of 'horizontal inequality' and 'hierarchical inequality' with a cultural sociological approach, this paper contributes to the understanding of gender inequality and segregation in contemporary Chinese society. Moreover, this paper explains the logic behind the paradox in which gender inequality and segregation at workplace persist while women are feeling equal.

Keywords: gender equality, segregation, hierarchical inequality, horizontal inequality, China

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Authors: Bhavana Mahajan

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International Relations is a discipline of paradoxes. The State is the dominant political institution, yet little attention has been accorded to why individual countries behave the way they do with the theoretical analysis dismissing the State as a reactionary monolith – thus States either play to “quest for power” or to “systemic” forces. However, States do behave as and are influenced by agents when interacting with international structures as well as with other states. While questions on “competitive power politics” and “trust” have been examined and developed to a fair extent by International Relations theorists in the post 1990s period, their application to the domain of South Asian politics is limited and little research, if any, examines the conduct of foreign policy beyond rational choice. This paper is an initial attempt to marry these theoretical insights with the foreign policy exercised by India especially the case of the “Gujral Doctrine, as one of “non-reciprocal accommodation”. Ignoring the view that such a policy move can be viewed as political “feinting” or deception, it is noteworthy that India even made the first move in terms of defining its role as one who “trusts” rather than one who “seeks” to trust, given the country’s geo-strategic context and threat perceptions.

Keywords: India’s foreign policy, South Asia, social constructivism, English school, trusting relationships, Gujral Doctrine, rationality

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Authors: M. Silveirinha, P. Lobo

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In the last few decades, many studies have documented a systematic under-representation of women in the news. Aside from being fewer than men, research has also shown that they are frequently portrayed according to traditional stereotypes that have been proven to be disadvantageous for women. When considering this problem, it has often been argued that news content will be more gender balanced when the number of female journalists increases. However, the recent so-called ‘feminization’ of media professions has shown that this assumption is too simplistic. If we want to better grasp gender biases in news content we will need to take a deeper approach into the processes of news production and into journalism culture itself, taking the study of newsmaking as a starting point and theoretical framework, with the purpose of examining the actual newsroom routines, professional values, structures and news access that eventually lead to an unbalanced media representation of women. If journalists consider themselves to be observers of everyday social and political life, of specific importance, as a vast body of research shows, is the observation of women journalist’s believes and of their roles and practices in a gendered newsroom. In order to better understand the professional and organizational context of news production, and the gender power relations in decision-making processes, we conducted a participant observation in two television newsrooms. Our approach involved a combination of methods, including overt observation itself, formal and informal interviews and the writing-up and analysis of our own diaries. Drawing insights in organizational sociology, we took newsroom practices to be a result of professional routines and socialization and focused on how women and men respond to newsroom dynamics and structures. We also analyzed the gendered organization of the newsmaking process and the subtle and/or obvious glass-ceiling obstacles often reported on. In our paper we address two levels of research: first, we look at our results and establish an overview of the patterns of continuity between the gendering of organizations, working conditions and professional journalist beliefs. At this level, the study not only interrogates how journalists handle views on gender and the practice of the profession but also highlights the structural inequalities in journalism and the pervasiveness of family–work tensions for female journalists. Secondly, we reflect on our observation method, and establish a critical assessment of the method itself.

Keywords: gender, journalism, participant observation, women

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Authors: Nasrollah Sekhavaty

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This topic has many points, one of which could be "the relationship between Islam and democracy". In this paper we discuss the relationship between them. The logic has taught us that there is only one relationship between an object and itself. But if we have two things, there is one of the four relations between them; contradiction, equivalence, absolute generality & peculiarity or generality & peculiarity in some respect. To clarify the relationship between Islam and democracy, at first we must examine the meaning of Islam and Democracy. Islam is a religion which has ideas about politics and governance. The politics in Islam includes both individual and social affairs, to achieve worldly and heavenly blessings. With this assumption, Islam and democracy are not the same, or contrast, nor the absolute generality & peculiarity; but, the relationship between these two concepts is the generality & peculiarity in some respect. Conclusion: If one considers democracy as content, it does not accumulate with Islam which is content. But if democracy means a structure and style of governing, then its content could be Islam.

Keywords: Islam, democracy, contradiction, equivalence, absolute generality, generality & peculiarity

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Authors: Praveen Priyadarshi

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What is the nature of the 'political subjects' in the new urban spaces of the Indian cities? How do they become a 'public'? The paper explores these questions by studying the National Capital Region's gated communities in India. Even as the 'gated-ness' of these neighborhoods constantly underlines the definitive spatial boundary of the 'public' that it is constituted within the walls of a particular gated community, the making of this 'public' occurs as much in the digital spaces—in the digital space of online messaging apps and platforms—populated by unique digital identities. It is through constant exchanges of the digital identities that the 'public' is created. However, the institutional framework and the formal rules governing the making of the public are still analogue because they presume and privilege traditional modes of participation for people to constitute a 'public'. The institutions are designed as rules and norms governing people's behavior when they participate in traditional, physical mode, whereas rules and norms designed in the algorithms regulate people's social and political behavior in the digital domain. In exploring this disjuncture between the analogue institutions and the digital public, the paper analytically evaluates the nature of everyday politics in gates neighborhoods in India.

Keywords: gated communities, everyday politics, new urban spaces, digital publics

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Authors: Faguna Barmahalia

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Politics of ethnic identity in the north-east India is well-known phenomenon. The ethnic assertion in this region is mostly linguistic and cultural in nature. Most of the ethnic groups in the north-east region have been demanding either autonomous or separate state to maintain their socio-cultural identity. After the Indian Independence, the ethnic groups of people think that they have not developed till. Despite having many natural resources, North East India remained backward in terms of economic, education as well as politics. In this scenario, many educated and middle-class elite people have involved in working for the all-round development of their community. The Bodos are one of the major tribes in North Eeast India. In Assam, the Bodos are assumed by themselves to be exploited and suppressed by the Assamese Hindu society. Consequently, the socio-cultural identity movement has emerged among the Bodos.The main aims of my study are: i. to focus on how the Bodos of Assam are using the folk media in their political movement and iii. To analyse the role of folklore towards serving the ethnic unity and nationalism among the Bodos. Methodology: The study is based on the primary and secondary sources. Interview and observation method was conducted for collecting the primary data. For secondary source, some printed books, magazines and others materials published by the distinguished publishers and websites have been used.

Keywords: media, culture, nationalism, politics

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Authors: Minjeoung Kim

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The education plays an important role of political socialization in politics. In Korean and in France, religion in education is situated in an important place, but religious education in school is dealt differently in two countries. In this article, the author tries to reveal the reason why in France private Catholic schools can keep their religious discipline, but in Korea, private Christian schools cannot insist Christianism to their students. This is because of the different situation of their budget. In Korea, even though private schools are named ‘private’, they cannot be managed without government subsidy but in France, private Catholic schools are owned by private foundation and their budget is based on their own resource. That’s why French private schools do not need to follow governmental guidance but not in Korean case.

Keywords: religion, politics, South Korea, France

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Authors: Gayle Nunley

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Between the mid-nineteenth and early twentieth century, a number of Western European women broke with gender norms of their time and undertook to write and publish accounts of their own international journeys. In addition to contributing to their contemporaries’ progressive reimagining of the space and place of female experience within the public sphere, these often orientalism-tinged texts have come to provide key source material for the analysis of gendered voice in the narration of Empire, particularly with regard to works associated with Europe’s then-ascendant imperial powers, Britain and France. Incorporation of contemporaneous writings from the once-dominant Empires of Iberian Europe introduces an important additional lens onto this process. By bringing to bear geographic notions of placedness together with discourse analysis, the examination of works by Iberian Europe’s female travelers in conjunction with those of their more celebrated Northern European peers reveals a pervasive pattern of conjoined belonging and displacement traceable throughout the broader corpus, while also underscoring the insufficiency of binary paradigms of gendered voice. The re-situating of women travelers’ participation in the European imperial project to include voices from the Iberian south creates a more robust understanding of these writers’ complex, and often unexpectedly modern, engagement with notions of gender, mobility, ‘otherness’ and contact-zone encounter acted out both within and against the imperial paradigm.

Keywords: colonialism, orientalism, Spain, travel writing, women travelers

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Authors: Hanna Corsini

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This article provides an analysis of counter-hegemonic movements and their consequences for the neoliberal world order at the international level. Even if calls for change are becoming louder, current research on populist forces at the domestic level in comparative politics is lacking an investigation of the international dimensions of the rise of such movements. At the same time, in the International Relations field, the focus still remains on the surge of challengers at the global level, while the national one stays neglected. This paper argues that to fill this gap as identified in the academic literature, the concept of hegemony, and more precisely, as deployed by Antonio Gramsci, can bear some interesting insights. An adaptation to the 21st century of Gramsci’s concept is proposed, highlighting the explanatory power that key concepts of his theoretical framework have. Transposing it to contemporary politics provides precious elements for an in-depth understanding of counter-hegemonic movements and the consequences of their rise for the neoliberal world order. In an era of disruption and turmoil in national politics, International Relations theory cannot avoid to engage with this dimension. However, populism as a theoretical concept lacks the capacity to go beyond the domestic border. It is therefore essential to create a dialogue between these two fields. Ultimately, the paper claims that (counter-)hegemony is crucial to build a bridge between the international and the domestic level.

Keywords: counter-hegemonic movements, Gramsci, hegemony, international relations

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Authors: Yousef Barahmeh

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There is a wide cultural belief that Jordanians are po-faced and unable to produce humour and satire. However, in the light of the harbingers of the Arab Spring in the early 2011, socio-political satire has thrived notably in social media as a rigorous act of critique and dissent against the institutionalized discourse. This paper seeks to explore the case study of Ahmad Hassan al-Zou’bi’s satirical articles and Facebook posts in the context of theories of satire and digital politics. Al-Zou’bi is the most prominent and prolific Jordanian satirist who rose to prominence after the Arab Spring. The analysis shows that his satirical articles provide a vintage point to the rhetoric behind the socio-political and economic reform programs as much as the adverse impact of neoliberal governments in the modern history of Jordan.

Keywords: Arab Spring, digital politics, humour and socio-political satire

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Authors: Abdulsalami M. Deji

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Prolonged military incursion in Nigeria politics which favored the oligarchy brought agitation for democratic rule it exacerbated ethnicity integration of minority for fear of domination. The advent of democracy ushered in new breath of life to Nigerians from the shackle of military oppression to democratic governance. Democratic rule became a mirage as a result of prevalent insecurity in Nigeria; effort to bring lasting peace to all sections of the country had not yielded positive result till date. In the process of struggling for democracy among ethnic groups in Nigeria, they had instituted various militia groups defending the interest of their identity due to unequal distribution of wealth by military junta. When democracy came on board, these various militia groups became demons hunting democratic institutions. Quest by the successful government to find lasting solution has proved abortive. The security of politics which guaranteed stability is not visible in Nigeria, what we have now is politics of security. The unrest in Nigeria today has cripple socio-political and economy of the nation; the growth of economy favored elites without meaningful impact on the common man. This paper focus on the effects of democracy on Nigerians and, how security under democratic rule has hindered dividends of democracy since 1999-till date and way forward. The source is strictly base on secondary source from textbook, newspapers, internet, and journals.

Keywords: democracy, interest, militia, security

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Authors: Kristina Nikolovska

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Social movements have become common in the Post Yugoslav cities. Consequently, the wave of activism has been considerably present in Skopje. Starting from 2009 the activist wave in Skopje emerged with the notion of the city. Diversity of initiatives appeared in the city in order to defend places that have been contested by the urban development project SK2014. The activist wave diffused into many different initiatives and diversity of issues. The result was unification in one massive movement in 2016, called 'The Colourful Revolution'. The paper explores the scope of activism in Skopje, with taking into consideration the influence of the spatial transformation, the project SK2014. Moreover, it examines the processes of spatiality into shaping the contention in Skopje, focusing on interdisciplinary and comprehensive approaches. Except the diversity of theoretical framework mainly founded on contentious politics theory and space elaboration from different perspectives, the study is founded on field work based on conducted interviews. Using an interdisciplinary approach and focusing on three main dimensions, the research contributes to understand the dynamics of the activist wave and importance of spatial processes in the creation of the contention in Skopje. Moreover, it elaborates the characteristics, possible effects, and reflections of the cycles of protests in Skopje. The main results of the research showed that dynamics of space is important in the creation of the activist wave in Skopje, moreover space context can give explanation about how opportunities diffuse and transformative power is created. The study contributed into deeper understanding of the importance of spatiality in contentious politics, it showed that in general contentions politics can benefit from deeper analyses of place specificity. Finally, the thesis opposes the traditional linear understanding of social movements, and proposes more dynamic, comprehensive, and sensitive elaboration.

Keywords: contentious politics, place, Skopje, SK2014, social movements, space

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Authors: Su-Lin Yu

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This paper will explore how gender and care discourse are intersected, reformulated and contested in American daughters’ caregiving memoirs. In particular, it will attempt to show how gender structure has worked to regulate a daughter’s response to her mother’s illness. In other words, how do certain cultural notions and class difference affect the ways in which the daughter enacts her caregiving response to her mother’s illness? What is the interrelation of female subjectivity and care practice? To understand care and gender politics in the memoirs, this paper will engage in close readings of five texts: Sandra Bullock Simith’s Trading Places: Becoming My Mother’s Mother: A Daughter’s Memoir (2015),Martha Stettinius’s Inside the Dementia Epidemic: A Daughter’s Memoir (2012), Patricia Thompson Collamer’s Grace on the Ledge: a Caregiver's Memoir, Judith Henry’s The Dutiful Daughter's Guide to Caregiving: A Practical Memoir (2015), and The Daughter's Dilemma: A Survival Guide to Caring for an Aging, Abusive Parent by Emily Wanderer Cohen (2018). By analyzing these texts, this paper will show why adult daughters become the primary caregivers, how gender norms and care practices influence a daughter’s thoughts and actions, and how it affects her self-understanding. Taken as a whole, then, the paper will provide an important examination not only of care and gender politics, but also a contribution to the intersecting discourses of illness, death, and mother-daughter relationship.

Keywords: care ethics, daughter-mother relationship, gender politics, memoirs

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Authors: Sally Barsoum

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This paper is providing a significant insight into the role of satire in Egyptian politics and how it has been received from the government and viewer’s point of view. It mainly sets out to test whether Bassem Youssef’s satirical program has played a significant role in Egypt recent politics and to investigate what is the nature and extent of this role. In order to test this hypothesis, the researcher chose to critically analyze one episode of Bassem Youssef’s satirical show, El Bernameg. This paper goes further to highlight that the aims of satire is to invite citizens to analyze, criticize and question people in power and the realm of politics rather than remain as untouched subjects by combining humor with critique in order to enhance citizens’ political awareness and perhaps even political engagement. Moreover it identifies that Bassem Youssef’s satire is to use laughter as a medium to communicate his political message. By first informing the public and secondly engaging them through laughter, satire plays a very constructive political role, which have been argued finally that Bassem Youssef has indeed played an important part in the Egyptian political scene of today and this can be measured by the degree of censorship that he has been subject to and the level of international and domestic reaction towards his satirical show. At the end, this paper is suggesting that the measure of a strong government is its ability not only to accommodate satire but also to learn from it.

Keywords: political satirist, Bassem Youssef, capital broadcasting center, TV channel, muslims brotherhood regime, ONTV Egyptian TV channel

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Authors: Clarissa Valença Travassos da Silva

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In this article, it is intended to study the book “The unbearable Lightness of Being” by the Czech Republican writer Milan Kundera. The main objective is to be an interdisciplinary study basis for students in the world about love and politics at old communist Czechoslovakia. Love is presented by discussing the relationship between Tomas and Tereza and the discovery of true love. Furthermore, it is debated the Russian invasion in Czechoslovakia and the outcomes of it for the personages, all this related to the contradiction of lightness and heaviness in life. For the production of this didactic material, the researcher based her work on the original book, “The Unbearable Lightness of Being” by Kundera, Milan Kundera’s interviews, Friedrich Nietzche, Zygmunt Bauman and George Orwell, among Brazilian and international articles on the issue.

Keywords: lightness, heaviness, Russia, Czechoslovakia, love

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Authors: Md Motibur Rahman

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The present paper attempts to study the electoral politics and voting behavior of 2011 assembly election of West Bengal state in India. Electoral geography is considered as the study of geographical aspects of the organization, conduct, and result of elections. It deals with the spatial voting patterns/behaviour or the study of the spatial distribution of political phenomena of voting. Voting behavior is a form of political psychology which played a great role in political decision-making process. The voting behavior of the electorates is largely influenced by their perception that existing during the time of election. The main focus of the study will be to analyze the electoral politics of the party organizations and political profile of the electorates. The principle objectives of the present work are i) to study the spatial patterns of voting behavior in 2011 assembly election in West Bengal, ii) to analysis the result and finding of 2011 assembly election. The whole study based on the secondary source of data. The electoral data have taken from Election Commission of India, New Delhi and Centre for the study of Developing Societies (CSDS) in New Delhi. In the battle of 2011 Assembly election in West Bengal, the two major parties were Left Front and Trinamool Congress. This election witnessed the remarkable successes of Trinamool Congress and decline of 34 years longest ruler party that is Left Front. Trinamool Congress won a majority of seats that 227 out of 294 but Left Front won only 62 seats out of 294 seats. The significance of the present study is that it helps in understanding the voting pattern, voting behaviour, trends of voting and also helps for further study of electoral geography in West Bengal. The study would be highly significant and helpful to the planners, politicians, and administrators who are involved in the formulation of development plans and programmes for the people of the state.

Keywords: assembly election, electoral geography, electoral politics, voting behaviour

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Authors: Yaron Katz

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The investigation of immigrants' electoral choices has remained relatively uncharted territory despite the fact that numerous nations extend political rights to their expatriates. This paper centers its attention on the matter of public trust in democracy, with a focus on the intricacies of Israeli politics as a divided system. It delves into the potential implications of political and social transformations stemming from the involvement of expatriate voters in elections taking place in their country of origin. In doing so, the article endeavors to explore a pathway for resolving a persistent challenge facing the stability of the Israeli political landscape over the past decade: the difficulty in forming a resilient government that genuinely represents the majority of voters. An examination is conducted into the role played by a demographic with the capacity to exert significant influence on election outcomes, namely, individuals residing outside of Israel. The objective of this research is to delve into this subject, dissecting social developments and political prospects that may shape the country's trajectory in the coming decades. This inquiry is especially pertinent given the extensive engagement of migrants in Israeli politics and the link between Israelis living abroad and their home country. Nevertheless, the study's findings reveal that while former citizens exhibit extensive involvement in Israeli politics and are cognizant of the potential consequences of permitting them to participate in elections, they maintain steadfastly unfavorable views regarding the inclusion of Israelis living overseas in their home country's electoral processes.

Keywords: trust, globalization, policy, democracy

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Authors: Muhammad Hamza Tariq

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The regrouping of the Islamists and the politics of religious education was the most common debate in the last decades of Turkish history. Religious schools were criticized to be influenced by partisan politics. Within this turmoil, the faculty of Ilahiyat which was established by the Republic to cherish Islamic modernism and to raise modern clergy also underwent a considerable change. This research studies the revisions in the curriculum of the faculty over the last few decades. A series of interviews were also conducted to observe the prevalent trends, especially modernist among the professors at the Ilahiyat faculties. Lastly, a survey was done among the freshman and final year students based on the similar questions to observe the changes of opinions with regards to their views on Islam, modernity, political Islam, interpretation, etc. A shift in the curriculum was noted though it cannot be overgeneralized whereas a degree of prevalence of modernist thoughts was also recorded among the teachers and the students.

Keywords: ilahiyat, divinity, religion, Islamization

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Authors: Victoria Crynes

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The question of England’s role in Britain is increasingly relevant due to the ongoing rise in citizens identifying as English. Furthermore, the Brexit Referendum was predominantly supported by constituents identifying as English. Few politicians appear to comprehend how Englishness is politically manifested. Politics and the media have depicted English identity as a negative and extremist problem - an inaccurate representation that ignores the breadth of English identifying citizens. This environment prompts the question, 'How are British Politicians Addressing the Modern English Identity Question?' Parliamentary debates, political blogs, and interviews are synthesized to establish a more coherent understanding of the current political attitudes towards English identity, the perceived nature of English identity, and the political manifestation of English representation and governance. Analyzed parliamentary debates addressed the democratic structure of English governance through topics such as English votes for English laws, devolution, and the union. The blogs examined include party-based, multi-author style blogs, and independently authored blogs by politicians, which provide a dynamic and up-to-date representation of party and politician viewpoints. Lastly, fourteen semi-structured interviews of British politicians provide a nuanced perspective on how politicians conceptualize Englishness. Interviewee selection was based on three criteria: (i) Members of Parliament (MP) known for discussing English identity politics, (ii) MPs of strongly English identifying constituencies, (iii) MPs with minimal English identity affiliation. Analysis of parliamentary debates reveals the discussion of English representation has gained little momentum. Many politicians fail to comprehend who the English are, why they desire greater representation and believe that increased recognition of the English would disrupt the unity of the UK. These debates highlight the disconnect of parliament from the disenfranchised English towns. A failure to recognize the legitimacy of English identity politics generates an inability for solution-focused debates to occur. Political blogs demonstrate cross-party recognition of growing English disenfranchisement. The dissatisfaction with British politics derives from multiple factors, including economic decline, shifting community structures, and the delay of Brexit. The left-behind communities have seen little response from Westminster, which is often contrasted to the devolved and louder voices of the other UK nations. Many blogs recognize the need for a political response to the English and lament the lack of party-level initiatives. In comparison, interviews depict an array of local-level initiatives reconnecting MPs to community members. Local efforts include town trips to Westminster, multi-cultural cooking classes, and English language courses. These efforts begin to rebuild positive, local narratives, promote engagement across community sectors, and acknowledge the English voices. These interviewees called for large-scale, political action. Meanwhile, several interviewees denied the saliency of English identity. For them, the term held only extremist narratives. The multi-level analysis reveals continued uncertainty on Englishness within British politics, contrasted with increased recognition of its saliency by politicians. It is paramount that politicians increase discussions on English identity politics to avoid increased alienation of English citizens and to rebuild trust in the abilities of Westminster.

Keywords: British politics, contemporary identity politics and its impacts, English identity, English nationalism, identity politics

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Authors: Hugo Ribadeau Dumas

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In India, cities represent intense battlefields where patriarchal norms are simultaneously defied and reinforced. While Indian metropolises have witnessed numerous initiatives where women boldly claimed their right to the city, urban spaces still remain disproportionately unfriendly to female city-dwellers. As a result, the presence of strees (women, in Hindi) in the streets remains a socially and politically potent phenomenon. This paper explores how, in India, women engage with the city as compared to men. Borrowing analytical tools from urban geography, it uses Hindi cinema as a medium to map the extent to which activities, attitudes and experiences in urban spaces are highly gendered. The sample consists of 30 movies, both mainstream and independent, which were released between 2010 and 2020, were set in an urban environment and comprised at least one pivotal female character. The paper adopts a quantitative approach, consisting of the scrutiny of close to 3,000 minutes of footage, the labeling and time count of every scene, and the computation of regressions to identify statistical relationships between characters and the way they navigate the city. According to the analysis, female characters spend half less time in the public space than their male counterparts. When they do step out, women do it mostly for utilitarian reasons; inversely, in private spaces or in pseudo-public commercial places – like malls – they indulge in fun activities. For male characters, the pattern is the exact opposite: fun takes place in public and serious work in private. The characters’ attitudes in the streets are also greatly gendered: men spend a significant amount of time immobile, loitering, while women are usually on the move, displaying some sense of purpose. Likewise, body language and emotional expressiveness betray differentiated gender scripts: while women wander in the streets either smiling – in a charming role – or with a hostile face – in a defensive mode – men are more likely to adopt neutral facial expressions. These trends were observed across all movies, although some nuances were identified depending on the character's age group, social background, and city, highlighting that the urban experience is not the same for all women. The empirical pieces of evidence presented in this study are helpful to reflect on the meaning of public space in the context of contemporary Indian cities. The paper ends with a discussion on the link between universal access to public spaces and women's empowerment.

Keywords: cinema, Indian cities, public space, women empowerment

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Authors: Anne Greenfield

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Introductory Statement: During the eighteenth century in London, there were over two dozen theatrical productions that featured eunuchoid characters, most of which were set in 'Eastern' locales, including the Ottoman Empire, Persia, India, and China. These characters have gone largely overlooked by recent scholars, and more analysis is needed in order to illustrate the contemporary values and anxieties reflected in these popular and recurring figures at the time. Methodology: This paper adopts a New Historical and Cultural Studies approach to the subject of theatrical depictions of eunuchs, drawing insights from seventeenth- and eighteenth-century literary works, travel narratives, medical treatises, and histories of the age. Major Findings: As this paper demonstrates, there was a high degree of complexity, variety, and -at times- respect underlying orientalist theatrical depictions of eunuchs. Not only were eunuchoid characters represented in strikingly diverse ways in scripts, but these roles were also played by a heterogeneous group of actors and even actresses. More specifically, this paper looks closely at three actresses who took roles as eunuchs in tragedies: Mrs. Verbruggen (aka Mrs. Mountfort), Mrs. Rogers, and Mrs. Bicknell—all of whom were otherwise best known as comediennes. These casting choices provided an entertaining twist on the breeches roles these actresses often played. In fact, the staging and scripting of these roles, when analyzed through the lens of these cross-gendered roles, becomes ironic and comical in several scenes that are usually assumed (by recent scholars) to be thoroughly tragic. Conclusion: Ultimately, a careful look at the staging of eunuchoid characters sheds light on not only how these productions were performed and understood, but also on how writers and theatre managers navigated the Other, whether in gender identity or culture, during this era.

Keywords: eunuch, actress, literature, drama

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Authors: Lucile Richard

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Contemporary thinkers studying biopolitics and its lethal logic find little interest in Foucault's "vague sketch of the pastorate.” Despite pastoral power being depicted as the matrix of governmentality in the genealogy of biopower, most post-Foucauldian theorists disregard its study. Sovereign power takes precedence in the examination of the governmental connection between care, violence, and death. Questioning this recurring motif, this article advocates for a feminist exploration of pastoral power. It argues that giving attention to the genealogy of the pastorate is essential to account for the carelessness that runs today's politics. Examining Foucault's understanding of this "power to care" uncovers the link between care work and politics, a facet of governmentality often overlooked in sovereignty-centered perspectives. His description of “pastoral insurrections”, in so far as it highlights that caring, far from being excluded from politics, is the object of competing problematizations, also calls for a more nuanced and complex comprehension of the politicization of care and care work than the ones developed by feminist theorists. As such, it provides an opportunity to delve into under-theorized dimensions of the "care crisis" in feminist accounts. On one hand, it reveals how populations are disciplined and controlled, not only through caregiving obligations, but also through being assigned or excluded from receiving care. On the other, it stresses that the organization of the public sphere is just as important as the organization of the private sphere, which is the main focus for most feminists, in preventing marginalized perspectives on caring from gaining political momentum.

Keywords: Foucault, feminist theory, resistance, pastoral power, crisis of care, biopolitics

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Authors: Emmanuel Dangana Monday

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Africa as a continent has been ravaged and bedeviled by series of political conflicts associated with politics and power-sharing maneuvering. As a result it has become the most unstable continent in the world in terms of power distribution and stable political culture. This paper examines the efficacy of conscious and deliberate power-sharing strategies to settle or resolve political conflicts in Africa in the arrangements of creation of states, revenue and resources allocation, and office distribution systems. The study is concerned with the spatial impact of conflicts generated in some renowned African countries in which power-sharing would have been a solution. Ethno-regional elite groups are identified as the major actors in the struggles for the distribution of territorial, economic and political powers in Africa. The struggle for power has become so intense that it has degenerated to conflicts and wars of inter and intra-political classes and parties respectively. Secondary data and deductive techniques were used in data collection and analysis. It is discovered that power-sharing has become an indispensable tool to curb the incessant political and power crisis in Africa. It is one of the finest tolerable modality of mediating elite’ competition, since it reflects the interests of both the dominant and the perceived marginalized groups. The study recommends that countries and regions of political, ethnic and religious differences in Africa should employed power-sharing strategy in order to avoid unnecessary political tension and resultant crisis. Interest groups should always come to the negotiation table to reach a realistic, durable and expected compromise to secure a peacefully resolute Africa.

Keywords: Africa, power-sharing, conflicts, politics and political stability

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Authors: Raja Rodziah Binti Raja Zainal Hassan

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The development of Malaysian political cinema is rapidly taking shape in the local film industry. The paper focuses on the production of independent political documentary by two Malaysian filmmakers, Amir Muhammad and Fahmi Reza. Revolutionary cinema can be understood by utilizing the Third Cinema Theory in order to analyse the meaning and its impact on the audience. The issue surrounding the political cinema in Malaysia is the question of national identity. The implementation of racial or ethnic based politics has resulted in hostility within Malaysia’s multiracial society. Amir Muhammad and Fahmi Reza revisit the Malaysian political history through their films in order to understand the reasons behind the hostility and conflict.

Keywords: Political cinema, third cinema theory, revolutionary cinema, national identity, racial or ethnic politics

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Authors: Yi Gu

Abstract:

The Three-Body Problem by Cixin Liu has been a bestseller Chinese Sci-Fi novel for years since 2008. The book was translated into English by Ken Liu in 2014 and won the prestigious 2015 science fiction and fantasy writing Hugo Award, drawing greater attention from wider international communities. The story exposes the horrors of the Chinese Cultural Revolution in the 1960s, in an intriguing narrative for readers at home and abroad. However, without the access to the source text, western readers may not be aware that the original Chinese version of the book is rich in gender-bias. Some Chinese scholars have applied feminist translation theories to their analysis on this book before, based on isolated selected, cherry-picking examples. Thus this paper aims to obtain a more thorough picture of how translators can cope with gender discrimination and reshape the gendered discourse from the source text, by systematically investigating the lexical and syntactic patterns in the translation of Liu’s entire book of 400 pages. The source text and the translation were downloaded into digital files, automatically aligned at paragraph level and then manually post-edited. They were then compiled into a parallel corpus of 114,629 English words and 204,145 Chinese characters using Sketch Engine. Gender-discrimination markers such as the overuse of ‘girl’ to describe an adult woman were searched in the source text, and the alignment made it possible to identify the strategies adopted by the translator to mitigate gender discrimination. The results provide a framework for translators to address gender bias. The study also shows how corpus methods can be used to further research in feminist translation and critical discourse analysis.

Keywords: corpus, discourse analysis, feminist translation, science fiction translation

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Authors: Ibrahim Elshaer, Samar Kamel

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Organizational politics (OP) has received a great deal of attention in the management literature due to its popularity, mystery, and potential advantages for those how can use it. It involves the use of power and social networks within an organization to promote interests and gain potential benefits. Its implication for human resource (HR) management decisions is heretofore one of its least studied aspects, and awaits further investigation. Therefore, it is our intention to investigate certain relations between organizational politics and the validity of HR decisions in addition to the expected dysfunctional consequences. The study is undertaken on two HR management practices- Performance appraisal (measured by the distributive justice scale) and downsizing- depending on data gathered from the hotel industry in Egypt; a developing Non-Western country, in which Political practices of HR management are common in public and private organizations. Data was obtained from a survey of 600 employees in the Egyptian hotel industry. A total of 500 responses were attained. 100 uncompleted questionnaires were excluded leaving 400 usable with response rate of around 80%. Structural equation modeling (SEM) was employed to test the causal relationship between the research variables. The analysis of the current study data reveals that organizational politics is negatively linked to the perception of distributive justice of performance appraisal, additionally, the perception of distributive justice in performance appraisal is positively linked to the perception of validity in the downsizing decisions and finally the perception of OP is negatively linked to the perception of downsizing decisions validity. This study makes three important contributions. First although there have been several studies on OP, the majority of these studies have focused on examining its effect on employees’ attitudes in workplace. This empirical study helps in identifying the influence of OP on the effectiveness and success of HR decisions and accordingly the organizational system. Second, it draws attention to OP as an important phenomenon that influence HR management in hospitality industry, since empirical evidences concerning OP in the hospitality management literature are meager. Third, this study contributes to the existing downsizing literature by examining OP and low distributive justice as challenges of the effectiveness of the downsizing process. Finally, to the best of the authors’ knowledge, no empirical study in the tourism and hospitality management literature has examined the effect of OP and distributive justice on the workplace using data gathered from the hotel industry in Egypt; a developing non-Western setting.

Keywords: organizational politics, performance appraisal, downsizing, structural equation modeling, hotel industry

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Authors: Chi S. Lee

Abstract:

Marvel superhero movies have obtained its unprecedented popularity around the globe. It is a dominant narrative in current scholarship on superhero studies that the political trauma of America, such as attack of September 11, and the masculinity represented in superhero genre are symbolically connected in a way of remasculinization, a standardized plot that before becoming a superhero, a man has to overcome its trauma in his life. Through this standardized plot, American audience finds their pleasure in the spectatorship of equating this plot of remasculinization with the situation of America, rewriting their traumatic memory and resolving around the economic, social, political, and psychological instability of precarity in their own context. Shifting the context to Hong Kong, where Marvel superhero movies have been reaching its dominant status in the local film market, this analysis finds its limitation in explaining the connection between text and context. This article aims to retain this connection through investigation of the Hong Kong audience’s spectatorship. It is argued that the masculinity represented in Marvel superhero movies no longer fits into the stereotypical image of superhero, but presents itself in crisis. This crisis is resolved by the technological excess of the superpower, namely, technological remasculinization. The technological remasculinization offers a sense of futurity through which it is felt that this remasculinization can be achieved in the foreseeable future instead of remaining imaginary and fictional. In this way, the political crisis of Hong Kong is gendered as masculinity in crisis which is worth being remasculinized in the future. This gendering process is a historical product as the symbolic equation between politics and masculinity has for long been encoded in the colonial history of Hong Kong. In short, Marvel superhero’s masculinity offers a sense of masculine hope for the Hong Kong audiences to overcome the political crisis they confront in reality through a postponed identification with the superhero’s masculinity. After the discussion of the Hong Kong audience’s spectatorship on Marvel superhero movies with the insights casted by spectatorship theory, above idea is generated.

Keywords: political crisis in Hong Kong, Marvel superhero movies, spectatorship, technological remasculinization

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Authors: Baljit Soroya

Abstract:

Transnational communities are as a consequence of greater mobility of people, globalization and digitization have had a major impact on international relations and diasporas in the context of external conflicts. To a significant extent conflicts are becoming deterritorialised and informed by both internal (state politics) and external (foreign policy) players such as in Iraq and Syria leading to forced migration of unprecedented levels within the last two decades. The situation of forced migrants has, it is suggested, worsened as a consequence of the neo-liberal policies and requirements of organizations such as the European Bank. A case example of this being that of Greece, and the exacerbation of insecurity for Greek nationals and the demonization of refugees seeking sanctuary. This has been as a consequence, in part, of the neoliberal dogma of the European Bank. The article analyses the complex intersection of the real and perceived threats of international terrorism and the manner in which UK migration policy and Practice is unfolding. The policy and practice developments are explored in the context of the shift in politics in both the UK and wider Europe to the far right and the drift of main stream political parties to the right. In many cases, the mainstream political groupings, have co-opted the fears as presented by far right organization for political their own political gains, such as in the UK and France In its analysis it will be argued that, whilst international terrorism is an issue of concern, however in the context of the UK it is not of the same scale as the effects of climate change or indeed domestic violence. Given that, the question has to be asked why the threat of international terrorism is having such an impact on UK migration policy and practice and, specifically refugees. Furthermore, it is argued that this policy and practice are being formulated within a narrative that portrays migrants as the problem both in relation to terrorism and the disenfranchisement of ‘ordinary white communities’. The intersectionality of social, economic inequalities, fear of international terrorism, increase in conflicts and the political climate have contributed to a lack of trust of political establishments that have in turn sought to impress the public with their anti-immigrant rhetoric and policy agendas. The article ends by suggesting that whilst politics and political affiliations have become fractured there are nevertheless spaces for collective action, particularly in relation to issues of refugees.

Keywords: international terrorism, migration policy, conflict, media, community, politics

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Authors: Narender Banwala

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The study critically evaluates that the politics of foreign aid and its effect on Afghanistan. The study argues that dynamics of foreign aid to Afghanistan are not driven solely by the Afghan political, social, and economic realities but much more by the ephemeral political goals of international donor countries. The objective of this paper is to find out the political reality of foreign aid given to Afghanistan in a post 9/11 era. The study analyses the gap between the donor countries' interests and the Afghan government's priorities in aid coordination and management. The aid given to Afghanistan has been accompanied by the political interests of the major powers and therefore violated the core principles of humanitarianism, i.e., humanity, impartiality, neutrality, and independence. This research attempts to explain the areas which are of high priority, extremely vulnerable, and have been a neglected part since 2001. The study focuses on how as a result of politicization, foreign aid could not yield the expected results even after prolong presence of international donors in Afghanistan. Methodologically, the study includes both qualitative and quantitative data, which are collected by interviews with government officials and other government documents.

Keywords: Afganistan, aid, politics, security

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Authors: Eunyup Yeom

Abstract:

The roles of male and female in context of cuisine have developed into stereotypes throughout history. However¬— with Korea’s fast advancement in politics, technology, society and social standards¬— gender stereotypes have become blurred. This is not to say that such stereotypes no longer exist for they still remain present in media and advertisements embedding ‘idealistic’ ideas into the unconscious state of minds of viewers. Many media outlets, especially commercials, portray males expressing pleasure of food [that they are advertising] through audible qualities generally considered ‘rude’ and ‘unmannered’ in the Korean society. Females, on the other hand, express such pleasures only verbally. This happenstance of a stereotype is displayed bluntly in instant noodle, namely ramen, commercials. This research explores the cultural significance of a type of audible gesture that can be found in Korean speech in which is termed the Fricative Voice Gesture (FVG). There are two forms of FVGs: the reactive and the prosodic. The reactive FVG is a legitimate form of expression while the prosodic FVG works as a speech intensifier. So, in order to understand this stereotype of who is authorized to express sensorial pleasure as a reactive FVG as opposed to a prosodic FVG, information has been extracted from interviews and dissected numerous ramen/instant noodle commercials and its appearances in other mediums of media. The commercials were tediously analyzed in all aspects of dialogue, featured contents, background music, actors and/or actresses selling the product, body language, and voice gestures. To effectively understand the exact impact these commercials have on the audience, each commercial was viewed with an interviewee. In this research, there were main informants whom were all Korean students residing in South Korea. All three interviewees were able to attend interview and commercial viewing sessions via Skype. This research, overall, focuses and concludes on Harkness’s statement of how the reactive FVG is a recognizable index of the privileging of males for Korean culture norms and, in parallel, food commercials are still conforming to male ideals and fantasies.

Keywords: advertisement, food politics, fricative voice gestures, gender politics

Procedia PDF Downloads 198