Search results for: I. Macrì

Authors: Kirill Neverov

Abstract:

In the paper is considered issues of civic participation in context of changing political landscape of Argentina. Last two years, this South American country faced a drastic change of political course. Pro-peronist, left-oriented administration of Christina Fernandez de Kirchner were replaced by right of center Mauricio Macri's one. The study is focused on inclusive policy in conditions of political transformations. We use network analysis to figure out which actors are involved in participation and to describe connections between them. As a resuflt, we plan to receive map of transactions which form inclusive policy in Argentina.

Keywords: civic participation, Argentina, political transformation, network analysis

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Authors: Vince Macri, Jakub Petioky, Paul Zilber

Abstract:

Virtual-reality-based technology, i.e. video-game-like simulations (collectively, VRSims) are used in therapy for a variety of medical conditions. The purpose of this paper is to contribute to a discussion on criteria for selecting VRSims to augment treatment of survivors of acquired brain injury. Specifically, for treatments to improve or restore brain motor function in upper extremities affected by paresis or paralysis. Six uses of virtual reality are reviewed video games for entertainment, training simulations, unassisted or device-assisted movements of affected or unaffected extremities displayed in virtual environments and virtual anatomical interactivity.

Keywords: acquired brain injury, brain-motor function, virtual anatomical interactivity, therapeutic simulations

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Authors: E. Verduci, I. Aguglia, A. Filocamo, I. Macrì, R. Scala, A. Vinci

Abstract:

One of the first indicator of autism spectrum disorder (ASD) is a decreasing tendency or failure to respond to name (RTN) call. Despite RTN is important for social and language developmentand it’s a common target for early interventions for children with ASD, research on specific treatments is insufficient and does not consider the importance of the discrimination between the own name and other names. The purpose of the current study was to replicate an assessment and treatment model proposed by Conine et al. (2020) to teach children with ASD to respond to their own name and to not respond to other names (RTO). The model includes three different phases (baseline/screening, treatment, and generalization), and itgradually introduces the different treatment components, starting with the most naturalistic ones (such as social interaction) and adding more intrusive components (such as tangible reinforcements, prompt and fading procedures) if necessary. The participants of this study were three children with ASD diagnosis: D. (5 years old) with a low frequency of RTN, M. (7 years old) with a RTN unstable and no ability of discrimination between his name and other names, S. (3 years old) with a strong RTN but a constant response to other names. Moreover, the treatment for D. and M. consisted of social and tangible reinforcements (treatment T1), for S. the purpose of the treatment was to teach the discrimination between his name and the others. For all participants, results suggest the efficacy of the model to acquire the ability to selectively respond to the own name and the generalization of the behavior with other people and settings.

Keywords: response to name, autism spectrum disorder, progressive training, ABA

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Authors: Romeu Bonk Mesquita

Abstract:

Argentina is the South American number 1 country of destiny to intraregional migration flows. This research aims to shed light on the main trends of the Argentine immigrant policy from 2016 on, when Mauricio Marci was elected President, taking the approval of the current and fairly protective of human rights Ley de Migraciones (2003) as an analytical starting point. Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA) serves as the theoretical background, highlighting decision-making processes and institutional designs that encourage or constraint political and social actors. The analysis goes through domestic and international levels, observing how immigration policy is formulated as a public policy and is simultaneously connected to Mercosur and other international organizations, such as the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Thus, the study revolves around the Direccion Nacional de Migraciones, which is the state agency in charge of executing the country’s immigrant policy, as to comprehend how its internal processes and the connections it has with both domestic and international institutions shape Argentina’s immigrant policy formulation and execution. Also, it aims to locate the migration agenda within the country’s contemporary social and political context. The methodology is qualitative, case-based and oriented by process-tracing techniques. Empirical evidence gathered includes official documents and data, media coverage and interviews to key-informants. Recent events, such as the Decreto de Necesidad y Urgencia 70/2017 issued by President Macri, and the return of discursive association between migration and criminality, indicate a trend of nationalization and securitization of the immigration policy in contemporary Argentina.

Keywords: Argentine foreign policy, human rights, immigrant policy, Mercosur

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Authors: B. M. Moda, L. F. Secco

Abstract:

Through free and fair elections and others less democratic processes, Latin America has been gradually turning into a right-wing political region. In order to understand these recent changes, this paper aims to discuss the origin and the traits of the pink wave in the subcontinent, the reasons for its current rollback and future projections for left-wing in the region. The methodology used in this paper will be descriptive and analytical combined with secondary sources mainly from the social and political sciences fields. The canons of the Washington Consensus was implemented by the majority of the Latin American governments in the 80s and 90s under the social democratic and right-wing parties. The neoliberal agenda caused political, social and economic dissatisfaction bursting into a new political configuration for the region. It started in 1998 when Hugo Chávez took the office in Venezuela through the Fifth Republic Movement under the socialist flag. From there on, Latin America was swiped by the so-called ‘pink wave’, term adopted to define the rising of self-designated left-wing or center-left parties with a progressive agenda. After Venezuela, countries like Chile, Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, Bolivia, Equator, Nicaragua, Paraguay, El Salvador and Peru got into the pink wave. The success of these governments was due a post-neoliberal agenda focused on cash transfers programs, increasing of public spending, and the straightening of national market. The discontinuation of the preference for the left-wing started in 2012 with the coup against Fernando Lugo in Paraguay. In 2015, the chavismo in Venezuela lost the majority of the legislative seats. In 2016, an impeachment removed the Brazilian president Dilma Rousself from office who was replaced by the center-right vice-president Michel Temer. In the same year, Mauricio Macri representing the right-wing party Proposta Republicana was elected in Argentina. In 2016 center-right and liberal, Pedro Pablo Kuczynski was elected in Peru. In 2017, Sebastián Piñera was elected in Chile through the center-right party Renovación Nacional. The pink wave current rollback points towards some findings that can be arranged in two fields. Economically, the 2008 financial crisis affected the majority of the Latin American countries and the left-wing economic policies along with the end of the raw materials boom and the subsequent shrinking of economic performance opened a flank for popular dissatisfaction. In Venezuela, the 2014 oil crisis reduced the revenues for the State in more than 50% dropping social spending, creating an inflationary spiral, and consequently loss of popular support. Politically, the death of Hugo Chavez in 2013 weakened the ‘socialism of the twenty first century’ ideal, which was followed by the death of Fidel Castro, the last bastion of communism in the subcontinent. In addition, several cases of corruption revealed during the pink wave governments made the traditional politics unpopular. These issues challenge the left-wing to develop a future agenda based on innovation of its economic program, improve its legal and political compliance practices, and to regroup its electoral forces amid the social movements that supported its ascension back in the early 2000s.

Keywords: Latin America, political parties, left-wing, right-wing, pink wave

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