Search results for: Brazilian politics

Authors: Rhisan Mae Enriquez-Morales

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The primary concern of this study is to answer the question: How does the Philippine government formulate its foreign policy with respect to its territorial claims over areas in the West Philippine Sea after the Scarborough standoff in April 2012? Specifically, the study seeks to provide understanding on the political process in the formulation of foreign policy relating to the Philippine claims in the West Philippine Sea after the 2012 Scarborough Standoff, by looking into the relationship of bureaucracies and how it influences the decision-making process. Secondly, this study aims to determine the long and short term foreign policies of the Philippines with respect to its territorial claims over the West Philippine Sea. Lastly, this study seeks to determine the implication of Philippine foreign policy in settling the West Philippine Sea dispute on the country’s national security. The Bureaucratic Politics Model (BPM) in Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA) is the framework utilized in this study, which focuses primarily on the relationship of bureaucracies in the formulation of foreign policy and how these agencies influence the process of foreign policy formulation. The findings of this study reveal that: first, the Philippines foreign policy in the West Philippine Sea continues to develop to address current developments in the WPS. Second, as the government requires demilitarization there is a shift from traditional to non-traditional security approach. This shift caused inconvenience from the defense sector particularly the Navy thinking that they are being deprived of their traditional roles. Lastly, the Philippine government’s greater emphasis on internal security operation implies the need to reassess its security concerns and look into territorial security.

Keywords: bureaucratic politics model, foreign policy analysis, security, West Philippine sea

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Authors: N. M. Esa Abrar Khan

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This paper will describe how a city planning can be abusive and promote gentrification in Dhaka city area in an extreme remorseless way. To our knowledge, Dhaka is enormously overpopulated, and its somewhat unrest political situation and corruption is promoting not only bruised urban growth but also this growth leering people socially and mentally. Due to globalization, whole world is in a rat race of development fiesta and Bangladesh is no longer falling back in this race. Recent political agenda is to develop the country anyhow, whether it is a good development or not. In the name of development, Dhaka city is becoming overwhelmed with flyovers, needless shopping malls and commercial complexes. This drastic urbanization is promoting gentrification. Gentrification is the process of societal change which intimidate the existing group of people from a certain place and encouraging affluent group of people on that place and eventually they take the control of that place. Process of gentrification is more capitalistic rather socially democratic. Architects are indirectly or directly related with this social change and politics is the catalyst of these social alteration. The methodology of this paper was mainly dependent on mass interviews including political leaders and activist’s interviews. Also, photographic analysis, empirical research etc. helped to create this paper. Secondary data were collected from different published and unpublished documents, relevant research articles, and books. From the study, it is clearly can be said that architects and urban designers are promoting social imbalance. The paper tried to suggest how architects and other designers can help to resist gentrification and can remain the social heterogeneity.

Keywords: gentrification, migration, Bangladesh, urban, globalization, hybrid

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Authors: Helida Thays Gomes Soares, Conceicao De Maria Pinheiro Correia, Fabiano Maciel Soares, Kleymer Silva

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There is great discussion around populational increase in urban areas of the global south, and, consequently, the growth of inappropriate housing and the different ways humans have found to solve housing problems around the world. Sao Luís, the capital of the state of Maranhao is a good example. The 1.6 million inhabitant metropole is a colonial tropical city that shelters 22% of the population of Maranhão, brazilian state that still carries the scars of slavery in past centuries. In 2016, Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistic found that 20% of Maranhão’s inhabitants were living in houses with external walls made of non-durable materials, like recycled wood, cardboard or soil. Out of this problematic, this study aims to propose interventions not only in the physical structure of irregular housing, but also to serve as a guide to intervene in the way eco-friendly, communitarian housing is seen by extreme poor zones inside metropolitan regions around big cities in the global south. The adaptation and reuse of industrial containers from the Harbor of Itaqui for housing is also an aim of the project. The great volume of discarded industrial containers may be an opportunity to solve housing deficit in the city. That way, through field research in São Luís’ neighborhoods mostly occupied by inappropriate housing, the study intends to raise ethnographical and physical values that help to shape new uses of industrial containers and recycled building materials, bringing the community into the process of shaping new-housing for local housing programs, changing the mindset of a concrete/brick model of building. The study used a general feasibility analysis of local engineers regarding strength of the locally used container for construction purposes, and also researched in-loco the current impressions of risky areas inhabitants of housing, traditional housing and the role they played as city shapers, evaluating their perceptions of what means to live and how their houses represent their personality.

Keywords: container housing, civil construction, housing deficit, participatory design, sustainability

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Authors: Linh Tong

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This paper aims to contribute to the understanding of key education reforms in Vietnam from 1945 to 2017, which reflects an evolution of socio-political needs of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam throughout this period. It explores the contextual conditions, motivations and ambitions influencing the formation of the education reforms in Vietnam. It also looks, from an applied practical perspective, at the influence of politics on education policy-making. The research methodology includes a content analysis of curriculum designs proposed by the Ministry of Education and Training, relevant resolutions and executive orders passed by the National Assembly and the Prime Minister, as well as interviews with experts and key stakeholders. The results point to a particular configuration of factors which have been inspiring the shape and substance of these reforms and which have most certainly influenced their implementation. This configuration evolves from the immediate needs to erase illiteracy and cultivate socialist economic model at the beginning of Vietnam’s independence in 1945-1975, to a renewed urge to adopt market-oriented economy in 1986 and cautiously communicate with the outside world until 2000s, and to currently a demonstrated desire to fully integrate into the global economy and tackle with rising concerns about national security (the South China Sea Dispute), environmental sustainability, construction of a knowledge economy, and a rule-of-law society. Overall, the paper attempts to map Vietnam’s socio-political needs with the changing sets of goals and expected outcomes in teaching and learning methodologies and practices as introduced in Vietnamese key education reforms.

Keywords: curriculum development, knowledge society, national security, politics of education policy-making, Vietnam's education reforms

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Authors: Avneet Kaur

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India is a nation of villages. Traditionally, women had enjoyed a high social status in India. Our mythology, folklore and history are full of women who were epitomes of virtue, wisdom, power, and position. The important concern about their entry into the politics is of great importance all over the world. Women have performed excellently in social, economic and political sphere. However, the fact remains that despite constituting half of the population their representation among elected post continue to remain negligible in Panchayati Raj Institutions. Women in India suffered from many social economic handicaps such as illiteracy, economically dependent, social customs, traditions and rituals that are the main causes of their inactive participation in local governance. There is still widespread patriarchal outlook in the villages and the lack of experience on the part of women leadership are some of the major issues of debate. The implementation of the 73rd Amendment Act of the Indian Constitution in 1992 reserved 1/3 rd of the seats for women empowerment. It was a major step to encourage them to take part in the village politics. This kind of revolution was the beginning of women leadership in villages. The paper intends to study the role and importance of women leadership in Panchayati Raj Institutions in India. The paper is divided into four sections. First section deals with the introduction by taking into account the available research on this particular subject. Second section talks about the role played by women leadership in these institutions after the passing of 73rd Amendment Act. Third section deals with some of the critical insights of the study by discussing the problems faced by the active women’s leadership at the grassroots. Finally, the paper concludes with policy suggestions.

Keywords: women, leadership, grassroots, Panchayati Raj

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Authors: Okpu Enoh Ndip Nkongho

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The type of political leadership in place impacts a state's economic development or underdevelopment directly and indirectly. One of the main challenges to Cameroon's economic development may be ineffective or misguided political leadership. The economy of the Cameroon state has declined significantly due to a number of factors, including a lack of effective and feasible economic policies, a reliance on crude oil that is excessive, tribal politics, the threat of insurgency, bribery, and corruption, violations of human rights, neglect of other sectors like science, technology, education, and transportation, and a careless attitude on the part of the administrators toward the general public. As a result, the standard of living has decreased, foreign exchange has decreased, and the value of the Cameroonian currency has depreciated. Therefore, from 2000 to 2023, this paper focused on the relationship between political leadership and economic development in Cameroon and offered suggestions for improving political leadership that will, in turn, lead to the country's economy getting back on track. The study employed a qualitative technique, with the framework for the investigation derived from the trait theory of leadership. According to the information provided above, the paper was able to conclude that there is a lack of cooperation between the three branches of government in Cameroon. This is shown in situations when one branch operates independently of the others and refuses to function as a backup when needed. The study recommended that the Executive collaborate closely with the National Assembly to speed action on some key legislation required to stimulate economic development. On the other hand, there is a need for more clarity and consistency in the government's policy orientation. There is no doubt that our current economic troubles are at least partially the result of a lack of economic policy leadership and confidence.

Keywords: politics, leadership, economic, development, Cameroon

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Authors: Carlos Roberto De Rolt, Julio da Silva Dias, Rafael Tezza, Luca Foschini, Matteo Mura

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The seasonal population fluctuation presents a challenge to touristic cities since the number of inhabitants can double according to the season. The aim of this work is to develop a model that correlates the waste collected with the population of the city and also allow cooperation between the inhabitants and the local government. The model allows public managers to evaluate the impact of the seasonal population fluctuation on waste generation and also to improve planning resource utilization throughout the year. The study uses data from the company that collects the garbage in Florianópolis, a Brazilian city that presents the profile of a city that attracts tourists due to numerous beaches and warm weather. The fluctuations are caused by the number of people that come to the city throughout the year for holidays, summer time vacations or business events. Crowdsensing will be accomplished through smartphones with access to an app for data collection, with voluntary participation of the population. Crowdsensing participants can access information collected in waves for this portal. Crowdsensing represents an innovative and participatory approach which involves the population in gathering information to improve the quality of life. The management of crowdsensing solutions plays an essential role given the complexity to foster collaboration, establish available sensors and collect and process the collected data. Practical implications of this tool described in this paper refer, for example, to the management of seasonal tourism in a large municipality, whose public services are impacted by the floating of the population. Crowdsensing and big data support managers in predicting the arrival, permanence, and movement of people in a given urban area. Also, by linking crowdsourced data to databases from other public service providers - e.g., water, garbage collection, electricity, public transport, telecommunications - it is possible to estimate the floating of the population of an urban area affected by seasonal tourism. This approach supports the municipality in increasing the effectiveness of resource allocation while, at the same time, increasing the quality of the service as perceived by citizens and tourists.

Keywords: big data, dashboards, floating population, smart city, urban management solutions

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Authors: Ikenna Emmanuel Idoko

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Evolution and evolutionary processes are phenomena that have come to stay in the fabrics of the universal living, hence expressions such as universal evolution. These evolutions in the universe cut across all facets of human accomplishments, which architecture is a part of. There is a notion in political sciences that politics and the act of politicking are local, meaning that politics and political processes are unique and peculiar to a people, all dependent on their sociocultural makeup. The notion is also applicable in architecture because the architecture of a people is mostly dependent on several factors such as climatic conditions, material availability, socio-cultural beliefs and religious inclinations. Stemming from the cultural dimension, it is of course common knowledge that every society is driven by its own unique culture. The fusion of architecture and culture creates the actual uniqueness which underlines the “archi-cultural” representation of a people’s material culture. This paper is aimed at appraising architectural evolution as it affects the representation of the material culture of a people. For effective systemization of the aim, various spectacular kinds of literature were reviewed, coupled with the visitation and study of existing buildings in Nigeria to properly understand the live peculiarity in the architecture of the selected area. Since architecture needs a lot of pictorial pieces of evidence, pictures and graphical representations were extensively utilized, and channelled to aid a better understanding of the study. Amongst all, an important part of this paper is that it adds to the body of existing knowledge in the Arts and Humanities by speaking extensively to the tenets of cultural representation on buildings. Similarly, the field of architecture, specifically, traditional architecture, would be gaining some extra knowledge owing to the study of some important almost-neglected or forgotten architectural elements of various traditional buildings.

Keywords: evolution, architecture, material, culture

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Authors: Priyanka Sharma

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The women voter turnout in India is increasing. The rising female voter turnout is explained in part by men intimidating women in the household to vote. Women are more likely than men to be guided before voting. What is perhaps more significant is that the gender gap has shrunk significantly over the years. However, there are layers and categories of women voters in India. Some women are much more likely than the average woman to follow advice. Against this backdrop, this paper investigates the variation among women voters during the national elections of 2019 in India. The central question of this research paper is whether or not the development of greater political opinion among women would offset guided voting and allow them to emerge as more independent voters. So the independent variable of the study is Indian women’s opinion on politics, and the dependent variable is their voting behavior. The methodology used in this paper is both quantitative and qualitative. This study investigated and examined Lokniti’s election survey data. The sample size used in this survey is 11568. The analysis of this study has revealed that there is a considerable impact of women having a political opinion on their voting behavior. The Bivariate analysis of the variables states that 83% of Indian women who have opinions on political issues do not seek advice while going to vote. This proves the hypothesis of this paper that women with an opinion on politics are more likely to be independent voters. To check the statistical significance of the finding, a chi-square test was done and the p-value found is 0.009737, which shows it is statistically significant. Furthermore, a regression test has been done by controlling certain variables like age, educational qualification, caste, and financial position of the women to probe the influence on the dependent variable. The findings provide worthwhile insights into the relationship between these control variables and the women voting behavior in India.

Keywords: dependent voter, independent voter, political opinion, voting behavior, women voter

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Authors: Raul Guerrero, Sandro Machado, Miriam Carvalho

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Soil and aquifer pollution, caused by hydrocarbon liquid spilling, is induced by misguided operational practices and inefficient safety guidelines. According to the Environmental Brazilian Institute (IBAMA), during 2013 alone, over 472.13 m3 of diesel oil leaked into the environment nationwide for those reported cases only. Regarding the aforementioned information, there’s an indisputable need to adopt appropriate environmental safeguards specially in those areas intended for the production, treatment, transportation and storage of hydrocarbon fluids. According to Brazilian norm, ABNT-NBR 7505-1:2000, compacted soil or mineral barriers used in structural contingency levees, such as storage tanks, are required to present a maximum water permeability coefficient, k, of 1x10-6 cm/s. However, as discussed by several authors, water can not be adopted as the reference fluid to determine the site’s containment performance against organic fluids. Mainly, due to the great discrepancy observed in polarity values (dielectric constant) between water and most organic fluids. Previous studies, within this same research group, proposed an optimal range of values for the soil’s index properties for mineral barrier composition focused on organic fluid containment. Unfortunately, in some circumstances, it is not possible to encounter a type of soil with the required geotechnical characteristics near the containment site, increasing prevention and construction costs, as well as environmental risks. For these specific cases, the use of an organic product or material as an additive to enhance mineral-barrier containment performance may be an attractive geotechnical solution. This paper evaluates the effect of activated carbon (AC) content additions into a clayey soil towards hydrocarbon fluid permeability. Variables such as compaction energy, carbon texture and addition content (0%, 10% and 20%) were analyzed through laboratory falling-head permeability tests using distilled water and commercial diesel as percolating fluids. The obtained results showed that the AC with smaller particle-size reduced k values significantly against diesel, indicating a direct relationship between particle-size reduction (surface area increase) of the organic product and organic fluid containment.

Keywords: activated carbon, clayey soils, permeability, surface area

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Authors: Nayara Torres B. Acioli, José Fernando T. Jucá

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The uncontrolled emission of gases in urban residues' embankment located near urban areas is a social and environmental problem, common in Brazilian cities. Several environmental impacts in the local and global scope may be generated by atmospheric air contamination by the biogas resulted from the decomposition of solid urban materials. In Brazil, the cities of small size figure mostly with 90% of all cities, with the population smaller than 50,000 inhabitants, according to the 2011 IBGE' census, most of the landfill covering layer is composed of clayey, pure soil. The embankments undertaken with pure soil may reach up to 60% of retention of methane, for the other 40% it may be dispersed into the atmosphere. In face of this figures the oxidative covering layer is granted some space of study, envisaging to reduce this perceptual available in the atmosphere, releasing, in spite of methane, carbonic gas which is almost 20 times as less polluting than Methane. This paper exposes the results of studies on the characteristics of the soil used for the oxidative coverage layer of the experimental embankment of Solid Urban Residues (SUR), built in Muribeca-PE, Brazil, supported of the Group of Solid Residues (GSR), located at Federal University of Pernambuco, through laboratory vacuum experiments (determining the characteristics curve), granularity, and permeability, that in soil with saturation over 85% offers dramatic drops in the test of permeability to the air, by little increments of water, based in the existing Brazilian norm for this procedure. The suction was studied, as in the other tests, from the division of prospection of an oxidative coverage layer of 60cm, in the upper half (0.1 m to 0.3 m) and lower half (0.4 m to 0.6 m). Therefore, the consequences to be presented from the lixiviation of the fine materials after 5 years of finalization of the embankment, what made its permeability increase. Concerning its humidity, it is most retained in the upper part, that comprises the compound, with a difference in the order of 8 percent the superior half to inferior half, retaining the least suction from the surface. These results reveal the efficiency of the oxidative coverage layer in retaining the rain water, it has a lower cost when compared to the other types of layer, offering larger availability of this layer as an alternative for a solution for the appropriate disposal of residues.

Keywords: oxidative coverage layer, permeability, suction, saturation

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Authors: Nikolai David Blaskow

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Nietzsche's scholarship in the main has never quite resolved its deeply divided, at times self-contradictory responses to what Friedrich Nietzsche might have actually meant by his notion of the 'will to power'. Yet, in the context of the current global pandemic and climate change crisis, never has there been a more urgent need to investigate and resolve that contradiction. This paper argues for the 'will to power' as being a potentially irrational-rational psychopathology, one that can properly be understood only by means of Nietzsche's agonistic insights into another psychopathology—that of ressentiment. The argument also makes a case for the contention that amor fati (Nietzsche’s positive affirmation of life) may prove to be ressentiment's cure. In addition, as an integral part of the case’s methodology, the lens defined as the Mimetic and Scapegoat theory of Rene Girard (1923-2015) is brought to bear on resolving the contradiction. Ressentiment and Mimetic Theory will prove to be key players in the investigation, in as much as they expose the reasons for a modernity in crisis. The major finding of this study is that when the explanatory power of the two theories is applied, an understanding of the dynamics of the crisis in which we find ourselves emerges. The keys to that insight will include: (1) how these two psychopathologies closely resemble the contemporary neurologically defined 'borderline conditions' and their implications for culture (2) how identity politics stifle exemplary leadership, and so create toxic cultures (3) a critical assessment of Achille Mbembe's (2019) re-working of Frantz Fanon's 'ethics of the passerby' and its resonances with Nietzsche's amor fati.

Keywords: agon, amor fati, borderline conditions, ethics of the passer by, exemplary leadership, identity politics, mimesis, ressentiment, scapegoat mechanism

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Authors: Sandra Maria Cerqueira Da Silva

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The construction of the material world involves a series of social power relations. These relations, in a way, can dictate, shape, judge and drive the profiles of so-called ‘ideal’ individuals. Gender relations, as power relations, are defined based on hierarchies, obediences and inequalities, and male domination seems, with few exceptions, to be rooted in every society around the world. The profile of the Brazilian woman, beyond patriarchal and market determinations, is strongly subjected to media products. Women are, numerically, the majority in Brazilian society. The social indicators point to slight advances in terms of years of study and professional qualification, as well as access to the job market; yet, differences in opportunity and conditions — often explained though the ‘unquestionable’ cultural rancidness argument — still hinder women’s ability to reach and keep job positions. These unequalities are also visible in everyday interactions and in gender relations, and they become greater once race is added to the analysis. For a black woman, her racial origins may play a part in determining the construction of her gender roles. In these terms, there is need to investigate the racial character of the sexual differences within a larger social proccess of naturalization and justification of cultural hierarchies. Thus, the goal of this study is to identify and discuss the media-built image of black women in Brazil. Furthermore, it is necessary to seek views different than those of the ruling classes. The study uses a qualitative approach based on the feminist standpoint, which intends to hold women’s experiences as central. The body of the research — images taken from the Internet — was treated through critical content analysis. The results show that in Brazil the profile of black women, beyond the machist and sexist generalizations, objectifies them or sees them as servants, always at the disposal of non-blacks. It is necessary to overcome the history of this nation, always considering the contribution of these women to the growth and development of places and societies. This can be done through the acknowledgement and highlighting of the few black women who were able to overcome the many barriers in their path and reach leadership position in the country. There are still many important challenges in the way of finding affirmative policies and reaching a more equal society in terms of gender and race; a serious and firm political commitment seems sine qua non.

Keywords: black woman, feminist standpoint, markings, objectification

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Authors: Demelash Kassaye Debalkie

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The primary objective of this study is to report the tributes that are significantly impeding the Ethiopian police's ability to provide quality services to the people. Policing in Ethiopia started in the medieval period. However, modern policing was introduced instead of vigilantism in the early 1940s. The progress counted since the date police became modernized is, however, under contention when viewed from the standpoint of officers’ development and technologies in the 21st century. The police in Ethiopia are suffering a lot to be set free from any form of political interference by the government and to be loyal to impartiality, equity, and justice in enforcing the law. Moreover, the institutional competence of the police in Ethiopia is currently losing its power derived from the constitution as a legitimate enforcement agency due to the country’s political landscape encouraging ethnic-based politics. According to studies, the impact of ethnic politics has been a significant challenge for police in controlling conflicts between two ethnic groups. The study used qualitative techniques and data was gathered from key informants selected purposely. The findings indicate that governments in the past decades were skeptical about establishing a constitutional police force in the country. This has certainly been one of the challenges of pluralizing the police: building police-community relations based on trust. The study conducted to uncover the obstructions has finally reported that the government’s commitment to form a non-partisan, functionally decentralized, and operationally demilitarized police force is too minimal and appalling. They mainly intend to formulate the missions of the police in accordance with their interests and political will to remain in power. It, therefore, reminds the policymakers, law enforcement officials, and the government in power to revise its policies and working procedures already operational to strengthen the police in Ethiopia based on public participation and engagement.

Keywords: community, constitution, Ethiopia, law enforcement

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Authors: Tina Beyene

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In this paper examines the state of grassroots feminist activism in the backdrop of state feminism in Ethiopia. Specifically, I examine the impact of the Charities and Societies Proclamation (aka CSO law), a 2009 law that banned so-called foreign NGOs—i.e., those receiving more than 10% of its operating budget from non-local sources— from working in the areas of human rights, democracy, governance, and gender equality. Viewed as government retribution for the NGO opposition to the government in the 2005 elections, the law aimed to halt the work groups such as the Ethiopian Women Lawyers Association (EWLA), who were defined as a “foreign” NGO. Based on interviews with prominent Ethiopian women’s rights leaders in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, I assess how grassroots feminist organizing adapts to state suppression on the one hand, and the aggressive entry of the state into women’s rights work on the other hand. While the 2009 law has slowed down the work of women’s rights activism, displaced feminists view feminist advocacy as cyclical and the state as neither fully adversarial nor an ally but rather as an instable entity that at times provides political openings to push ambitious feminist agendas. Grassroots activists are regrouping and developing new political responses strategies such as coding rights issues to fit state mandate; dissembling rights work in permissible social provision language; rechanneling political work into informal spaces and unregistered social clubs; innovating new funding partnerships, and reassembling as privately held research and advocacy companies. my study reveals how grassroots feminist politics operates in the shadow of a hostile state and within the confines of local politics.

Keywords: grassroots feminism, ethiopian feminism, civil society and gender, state feminism

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Authors: Agbana Olaseinde Julius, Opadere Olaolu Stephen

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The concept of cross carpeting is as old as politics itself. Basically, it entails an individual leaving a political party/group, to join another. The reasons for which cross carpeting is embarked upon are diverse: ideological differences; ethnic and/or religious differences; access to actual or perceived better political opportunities; liberty of association; rancor; etc. The current democratic dispensation in Nigeria has experienced renewed and rather alarming rate of cross carpeting, for reasons including those enumerated above and others. Right to cross carpet is inherent in a democratic setting as well as the political stakeholder; so does it also comprise of the constitutional right of ‘freedom of association’. However, the current species of cross carpeting in Nigeria requires scrutiny, in view of some potential legal and moral challenges it poses for both the present and the future. Cross carpeting is considered both legal and constitutional, but the current spate raises the question of expediency, particularly in a nascent democracy. It is considered to have a propensity of negatively impacting political stability in a polity with fragile nerves. Importantly too, cross carpeting is considered a potential damage to the psyche of posterity with regards to a warped disposition to promises, honour and integrity. The perceived peculiar dimension of cross carpeting in Nigeria raises questions on the quality of leadership presently obtainable in the country, vis-à-vis greed, self-centeredness, disregard for the concern and interest of avowed followers/fans, entrenchment of distrust, etc. Thus, the study made use of primary and secondary sources of information. The primary sources included the Constitutions of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended); judicial decisions; and the Electoral Act, 2010 (as Amended). The secondary sources comprised of information from books, journals, newspapers, magazines and Internet documents. Data obtained from these sources were subjected to content analysis. Findings of this study show that though the act of cross carpeting may not be in breach of any Statute or Law, it however, in most cases, breaches the morals of expediency. The morality thereof is far from justifiable, and should be condemned in the interest of the present and posterity. There is a great and urgent need to embark on a re-entrenchment of the culture of political ideology in the Nigerian polity, as obtainable in developed democracies. In conclusion, the need to exercise the right of cross carpeting with caution cannot be overemphasized. Membership of a political group/party should be backed by commitment to well defined ideologies and values. Commitment to them should be regarded akin to that found in the family, which is not easily or flippantly jettisoned.

Keywords: cross-carpeting, Nigeria, legal, moral issues, politics

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Authors: Lily Chimuanya, Ehioghae Esther

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Language, a versatile and sophisticated tool, is fundamentally sacrosanct to mankind especially within the realm of politics. In this dynamic world, political leaders adroitly use language to engage in a strategic show aimed at manipulating or mechanising the opinion of discerning people. This nuanced synergy is marked by different rhetorical strategies, meticulously synced with contextual factors ranging from cultural, ideological, and political to achieve multifaceted persuasive objectives. This study investigates the (de)legitimation strategies inherent in African presidential inaugural speeches, as African leaders not only state their policy agenda through inaugural speeches but also subtly indulge in a dance of legitimation and delegitimation, performing a twofold objective of strengthening the credibility of their administration and, at times, undermining the performance of the past administration. Drawing insights from two different legitimation models and a dataset of 4 African presidential inaugural speeches obtained from authentic websites, the study describes the roles of authorisation, rationalisation, moral evaluation, altruism, and mythopoesis in unmasking the structure of political discourse. The analysis takes a mixed-method approach to unpack the (de)legitimation strategy embedded in the carefully chosen speeches. The focus extends beyond a superficial exploration and delves into the linguistic elements that form the basis of presidential discourse. In conclusion, this examination goes beyond the nuanced landscape of language as a potent tool in politics, with each strategy contributing to the overall rhetorical impact and shaping the narrative. From this perspective, the study argues that presidential inaugural speeches are not only linguistic exercises but also viable weapons that influence perceptions and legitimise authority.

Keywords: CDA, legitimation, inaugural speeches, delegitmation

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Authors: Okechukwu B. C. Nwankwo

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The surge of social protests sweeping through the globe is a contemporary phenomenon. Yet the phenomenon in itself is not new. Thus, various scholars have over the years developed conceptual frameworks for evaluating it. Adopting and adapting some of these frameworks this paper begins from a purely theoretical perspective exploring the concept and content of social protest within the specific context of Nigeria. It proceeds to build a typology of the phenomenon in terms of form, actors, origin, character, organisation, goal, dynamics, outcome and a whole lot of other variables that are context relevant for evaluating it in an operationally useful manner. The centrality of the context in which protest evolves is demonstrated. Adopting Easton’s systems theory, the paper builds on the assumption that protests emerge whenever and wherever political institutions and structures prove unable or unwilling to transform inputs in form of basic demands into outputs in form of responsive policies. It argues that protests in Nigeria are simply the crystallisation of opposition in the streets. Protests are thus extra-institutional politics. This is usually the case, as elsewhere, where there is no functional institutionalised opposition. Noting that protest, disruptive or otherwise, is an influence strategy, it argues that every single protest is a new opportunity for reform, for reorganisation of state capacities, for modifying rights and obligation of citizens and government to each other. Each reform outcome is, however, only a temporal antecedent. Its extensity gives signal for the next similar protest event. Through providing evidence on how protests in Nigeria create opportunity for reform, for more accountable, more effective governance, the paper shows the positive impact of protests and its importance even in the consolidation effort for the nation’s nascent democracy. Data on protest events will be based on media reports, especially print media.

Keywords: democracy, dialectics, social protest, reform

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Authors: Muritala Babatunde Hassan

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In the contemporary global political economy, foreign direct investment (FDI) is gaining currency on daily basis. Notably, the end of the Cold War has brought about the dominance of neoliberal ideology with its mantra of private-sector-led economy. As such, nation-states now see FDI attraction as an important element in their approach to national development. Governments and policy makers are preoccupying themselves with unraveling the best strategies to not only attract more FDI but also to attain the desired socio-economic development status. In Nigeria, the perceived development potentials of FDI have brought about aggressive hunt for foreign investors, most especially since transition to civilian rule in May 1999. Series of liberal and market oriented strategies are being adopted not only to attract foreign investors but largely to stimulate private sector participation in the economy. It is on this premise that this study interrogates the politics of FDI attraction for domestic development in Nigeria between 1999 and 2014, with the ultimate aim of examining the nexus between regime type and the ability of a state to attract and benefit from FDI. Building its analysis within the framework of institutional utilitarianism, the study posits that the essential FDI strategies for achieving the greatest happiness for the greatest number of Nigerians are political not economic. Both content analysis and descriptive survey methodology were employed in carrying out the study. Content analysis involves desk review of literatures that culminated in the development of the study’s conceptual and theoretical framework of analysis. The study finds no significant relationship between transition to democracy and FDI inflows in Nigeria, as most of the attracted investments during the period of the study were market and resource seeking as was the case during the military regime, thereby contributing minimally to the socio-economic development of the country. It is also found that the country placed much emphasis on liberalization and incentives for FDI attraction at the neglect of improving the domestic investment environment. Consequently, poor state of infrastructure, weak institutional capability and insecurity were identified as the major factors seriously hindering the success of Nigeria in exploiting FDI for domestic development. Given the reality of the currency of FDI as a vector of economic globalization and that Nigeria is trailing the line of private-sector-led approach to development, it is recommended that emphasis should be placed on those measures aimed at improving the infrastructural facilities, building solid institutional framework, enhancing skill and technological transfer and coordinating FDI promotion activities by different agencies and at different levels of government.

Keywords: foreign capital, politics, socio-economic development, FDI attraction strategies

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Authors: Marilia Correa Parecis De Oliveira

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This research looks at the novel Miguel e os demônios (2009), by the contemporary Brazilian author Lourenço Mutarelli. In it, the presence of film language resources is remarkable, creating thus a kind of scripted writing. We intend to analyze the presence of film language in work under study, in which there is a mixture of the characteristics of the novel and screenplay genres, trying to explore which aesthetic and meaning effects of the ownership of a visual language for the creation of a literary text create in the novel. The objective of this research is to identify and analyze the formal and thematic aspects that characterize the hybridity of literature and film in the novel by Lourenço Mutarelli. The method employed comprises reading and production cataloging of theoretical and critical texts, literary and film theory, historical review about the author, and also the realization of an analytical and interpretative reading of novel. In Miguel e os demônios there is a range of formal and thematic elements of popular narrative genres such as the detective story and action film, with a predominance of verb forms in the present and NPs - features that tend to make present the narrated scenes, as in the cinema. The novel, in this sense, is located in an intermediate position between the literary text and the pre-film text, as though filled with proper elements of the language of film, you can not fit it categorically in the genre script, since it does not reduce the script because aspires to be read as a novel. Therefore, the difficulty of fitting the work in a single gender also refused to be extra-textual factors - such as your publication as novel - but, rather, by the binary classifications serve solely to imprison the work on a label, which impoverish not only reading the text, as also the possibility of recognizing literature as a constant dialogue space and interaction with other media. We can say, therefore, that frame the work Miguel e os demônios in one of the two genres (novel or screenplay) proves not enough, since the text is revealed a hybrid narrative, consisting in a kind of scripted writing. In this sense, it is like a text that is born in a society saturated by audiovisual in their daily lives in order to be consumed by readers who, in ascending scale, exchange books by visual narratives. However, the novel uses film's resources without giving up its constitution as literature; on the contrary, it enriches the visual and linguistically, dialoguing with the complex contemporary horizon marked by the cultural industry.

Keywords: Brazilian literature, cinema, Lourenço Mutarelli, screenplay

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Authors: João Boaventura Branco De Matos

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Currently, in Brazil, there is a considerable collection of publications on the supplementary health sector, but the vast majority is limited to retrospective examination of the sector. The present contribution starts from the diagnosis of an overwhelming change in the role of the State and its institutions, as well as an accelerated and no less forceful change in the way of producing goods and services, resulting in a clash between these different waves (state and market). This shock produces unique energy, capable of imposing major changes in the most varied sectors. Based on this diagnosis, there was an opportunity to offer the perspective and propositional study of regulatory measures relevant to the best conduct and performance of this sector in the future.

Keywords: private health regulation, state and market, forecasts in Brazilian regulation, political economy

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Authors: Victor V. Ribeiro, Thais C. Lopes, Rafael A. A. Monteiro

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The Albatroz, Baleia Jubarte, Coral Vivo, Golfinho Rotador and Tamar projects make up the Young Sea Network (YSN), part of the BIOMAR Network, which aims to integrate the environmental youths of the Brazilian coast. For this, three editions of the Young Sea Meeting (YSM) were performed. Seeking to stimulate belonging, self-knowledge, participation, autonomy and youth protagonism, the Albatroz Project hosted the III YSM, in Bertioga (SP), in April 2019 and aimed to collectively plan the meeting. Five pillars of Environmental Education were used: identity, community, dialogue, power to act and happiness, the OCA Method and the Young Educates Young; Young Chooses Young; and One Generation Learns from the Other principals. In December 2018, still in the II YSM, the participatory planning of the III YSM began. Two "representatives" of each group were voluntarily elected to facilitate joint decisions, propose, receive and communicate demands from their groups and coordinators. The Young Albatroz Collective (YAC) facilitated the organization process as a whole. The purpose of the meeting was collectively constructed, answering the following question: "What is the YSM for?". Only two of the five pairs of representatives responded. There was difficulty gathering the young people in each group, because it was the end of the year, with people traveling. Thus, due to the short planning time, the YAC built a pre-programming to be validated by the other groups, defining as the objective of the meeting the strengthening of youth protagonism within the YSN. In the planning process, the YAC held 20 meetings, with 60 hours of face-to-face work, in three months, and two technical visits to the headquarters of the III YSM. The participatory dynamics of consultation, when it occurred, required up to two weeks, evidencing the limits of participation. The project coordinations stated that they were not being included in the process by their young people. There is a need to work more to be able to aloud the participation, developing skills and understanding about its principles. This training must take place in an articulated way between the network, implying the important role of the five projects in jointly developing and implementing educator processes with this objective in a national dimension, but without forgetting the specificities of each young group. Finally, it is worth highlighting the great potential of the III YSM by stimulating the exercise of leading environmental youth in more than 50 young people from Brazilian coast, linked to the YSN, stimulating the learning and mobilization of young people in favor of coastal and marine conservation.

Keywords: Marine Conservation, Environmental Education, Youth, Participation, Planning

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Authors: Vibhore Bakshi

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This research paper is a step towards understanding the role of governance in the plan preparation process. It addresses the complexities of the peri-urban, historical constructions, politics and policies of sustainability, and legislative frameworks. The paper reflects on the Delhi NCT as one of the classical cases that have happened to witness different structural changes in the master plan around 1981, 2001, 2021, and Proposed Draft 2041. The Delhi Landsat imageries for 1989 and 2018 show an increase in the built-up areas around the periphery of NCT. The peri-urbanization has been a result of increasing in-migration to peri–urban areas of Delhi. The built-up extraction for years 1981, 1991, 2001, 2011, and 2018 highlights the growing peri-urbanization on scarce land therefore, it becomes equally important to research the history of the land and its legislative measures. It is interesting to understand the streaks of changes that have occurred in the land of Delhi in accordance with the different master plans and land legislative policies. The process of masterplan process in Delhi has experienced a lot of complexities in juxtaposition to other metropolitan regions of the world. The paper identifies the shortcomings in the current master planning process approach in regard to the stage of the planning process, traditional planning approach, and lagging ICT-based interventions. The metropolitan governance systems across the globe and India depict diversity in the organizational setup and varied dissemination of functions. It addresses the complexity of the peri-urban, historical constructions, politics and policies of sustainability, and legislative frameworks.

Keywords: governance, land provisions, built-up areas, in migration, built up extraction, master planning process, legislative policies, metropolitan governance systems

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Authors: Arlan S. Freitas, Leila M. Carvalho, Adriana L. Soares, Arnoud Neto, Marta S. Madruga, Elza I. Ida, Massami Shimokomaki

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The objective of this work was to evaluate the influence of microclimatic profile of broiler transport trucks under commercial conditions over the breast meat quality and DOA (Death On Arrival) in a tropical Brazilian regions as the North East where routinely the season is divided into dry and wet seasons. The temperature remains fairly constant and obviously the relative humidity changes accordingly. Three loads of 4,100 forty seven days old broiler were monitored from farm to slaughterhouse in a distance of 4.3 km, morning period of October 2015 rainy days. The profile of the environmental variables inside the container truck throughout the journey was obtained by the installation of thermo anemometers in 6 different locations by monitoring the heat index (HI), air velocity (AV), temperature (T), and relative humidity (RH). Meat qualities were evaluated by determining the occurrence of PSE (pale, soft, exudative) meat and DFD (dark, firm dry) meat. The percentage of birds DOA per loaded truck was determined by counting the dead broiler during the hanging step at the slaughtering plant. The analysis of variance was performed using statistical software (Statistica 8 for windows, Statsoft 2007, Tulsa, OK, USA). The Tukey significance test (P<0.05) was applied to compare means from microenvironmental data, PSE, DFD and DOA. Fillet samples were collected at 24h post mortem for pH e color (L*, a* e b*) determination through the CIELAB system. Results showed the occurrence of 2.98% of PSE and 0.66% de DFD and only 0.016% of DOA and overall the most uncomfortable container location was at the truck frontal inferior presenting 6.25% of PSE. DFD of 2.0% were obtained from birds located at central and inferior rear locations. These values were unexpected in comparison to other results obtained in our laboratories in previous experiments carried out within the country south state. The results reported herein were lower in every aspect. Reasonable explanation would be the shorter distance, wet conditions throughout around 15-20 min journeys and lower T and RH values as observed in samples taken from the rear location as higher DFD values were obtained. These facts mean the animals were not under heat stressful condition but in fact under cold stress conditions as the result of DFD suggested in association to the lower number of DOA.

Keywords: cold stress, DFD, microclimatic profile, PSE

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Authors: Zhihua Xu

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In the era of globalization, the urban question is increasingly being posed in the form of a scale question. Scale theory provides a new perspective for analyzing various dynamics and their influences on urban development. After the reunification, how the government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR) interacts with the actors at various scales and carries out state rescaling are the keys to exploring the issue of urban development and governance in Hong Kong. This paper examines the entire planning process of the Hong Kong Section of the Guangzhou-Shenzhen-Hong Kong Express Rail Link, from project conception, design, to consultation, and fund application, to identify the actors at different scales involved in the process, and analyze the modes and consequences of their interaction. This study shows that after the reunification, the Hong Kong SAR Government takes the initiative to scale up to expand its hinterland. Intergovernmental institutional cooperation is an important mode of state rescaling for the Hong Kong SAR government. Meanwhile, the gradually growing civil society plays an important role in the rescaling of urban development. Local actors use scalar politics to construct discourses and take actions at multiple scales to challenge the government’s proposal and trigger a discussion on the project throughout the Hong Kong society. The case study of Hong Kong can deepen the understanding of state rescaling of territorial organizations in the context of institutional transformation and enrich the theoretical connotation of state rescaling. It also helps the Mainland government to better understand the case of Hong Kong and formulate appropriate.

Keywords: Hong Kong, state rescaling, scalar politics, Hong Kong section of the Guangzhou-Shenzhen-Hong Kong express rail link, urban governance

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Authors: Robson da Cunha Santos, Caio Cezar R. Bonifacio, Diego Mureb Quesada, Gerson Gomes Cunha

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The paper is related to the safety of oil wells and environmental preservation on the planet, because they require great attention and commitment from oil companies and people who work with these equipments. This must occur from drilling the well until it is abandoned in order to safeguard the environment and prevent possible damage. The project had as main objective the constitution resulting from comparatives made among books, articles and publications with information gathered in technical visits to operational bases of Petrobras. After the visits, the information from methods of utilization and present managements, which were not available before, became available to the general audience. As a result, it is observed a huge flux of incorrect and out-of-date information that comprehends not only bibliographic archives, but also academic resources and materials. During the gathering of more in-depth information on the manufacturing, assembling, and use aspects of DHSVs, several issues that were previously known as correct, customary issues were discovered to be uncertain and outdated. Information of great importance resulted in affirmations about subjects as the depth of the valve installation that was before installed to 30 meters from the seabed (mud line). Despite this, the installation should vary in conformity to the ideal depth to escape from area with the biggest tendency to hydrates formation according to the temperature and pressure. Regarding to valves with nitrogen chamber, in accordance with books, they have their utilization linked to water line ≥ 700 meters, but in Brazilian exploratory fields, their use occurs from 600 meters of water line. The valves used in Brazilian fields are able to be inserted to the production column and self-equalizing, but the use of screwed valve in the column of production and equalizing is predominant. Although these valves are more expensive to acquire, they are more reliable, efficient, with a bigger shelf life and they do not cause restriction to the fluid flux. It follows that based on researches and theoretical information confronted to usual forms used in fields, the present project is important and relevant. This project will be used as source of actualization and information equalization that connects academic environment and real situations in exploratory situations and also taking into consideration the enrichment of precise and easy to understand information to future researches and academic upgrading.

Keywords: down hole safety valve, security devices, installation, oil-wells

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Authors: Shahzada Gulfam

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Islamism was considered as a new phenomenon in Muslim World to revolt against static Religious Traditionalists and the Imperialists. Islamist political parties viewed the establishment of an Islamic state within the limits of Sharia’h as their destination. The Islamists movements like Ikhwan-ul Muslimun, Jamaat-i-Islami etc. did appear with revolutionary agenda but were contained by military forces and the secular modernists of Muslim World. The Muslim rulers, historically could not respect the democratic and moral norms and equally emerged as dictators in democracies, military rule as well as in monarchies. The Arab Spring did not follow the Islamists agenda but gathered the common masses against the corrupt rulers to have a just democratic political system. The Islamic State and Sharia’h were not their immediate targets but the achievement of moral norms in Muslim societies and eradication of dictatorial rule were the basic aims. This phenomenon is named as post-Islamism. The political struggle of PAT (Pakistan Awami Tehreek) and the PTI (Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf) has been following the footsteps of Arab Spring and can be noted as the extension of Arab Spring in Muslim World. The results of this struggle would define the fate of Post-Islamism in Pakistan. Has Jamaat-i-Islami got the potential to reform its agenda accordingly? This paper intends to study the Jamaat’s struggle and tries to predict Jamaat’s role in post-Islamism scenario. There is a clear distinction between the people of religion and the people following the popular materialistic westernized value system. This division is also evident in political parties. Pakistan has been ruled mostly by the secular parties and rulers. The inability to establish Islamic system by replacing the imperial system has created militancy and revolt which requires the establishment of a sound model Islamic based system in the country. The political parties of Pakistan could not device a modernize agenda, equally acceptable in modernized world and addressing the prevailing issues and also having the indigenous religious and cultural roots. The inability of Jamaat-i-Islami Pakistan to transform its agenda accordingly to serve the post-Islamism has made it irrelevant in Pakistan’s politics. Once Jamaat leaves behind its hard position as an Islamist party and accepts the post-Islamism as beginning to create its idealized state and society, it can pursue its agenda gradually. The phenomenon of post-Islamism does not make Islamists irrelevant but invites them to listen to the priorities of masses rather than insisting on the agenda of their respective ideologues to be followed for all times. The ruling Muslim democrats and military dictators of Pakistan have been following unfair means to sustain their political power which gave rise to space for the new political parties to emerge and organize agitation successfully in Pakistani Politics. Jamaat-i-Islami could not fill that space to be an agent of Post-Islamism and could not break their chains which had been tying them to the prevailing failed democracy of Pakistan. Post-Islamists are the addressers of the rulers corruption and are struggling for reforms in system. Jamaat due to its ideological compulsions could not transform its agenda accordingly. The new scenario indicates that the Post-Islamism which emerged in Arab World can be taken as first step to establish democracy and justice in state and society and then the establishment of Islamic law and the establishment of an Islamic state should have been the next targets. This gradual agenda would have delivered public support to the Jamaat which deserved that but PTI & PAT have cashed this opportunity in Pakistani politics by strengthening their respective vote banks.

Keywords: arab spring, islamic state, islamic political parties, muslim world, post-islamism

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Authors: Temidayo James Aransiola, Vania Ceccato, Marcelo Justus

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This paper investigates the effect of absolute deprivation (proxy unemployment) and relative deprivation (proxy income inequality) on homicide levels in Brazil. A database from the Brazilian Information System about Mortality and Census of the year 2000 and 2010 was used to estimate negative binomial models of homicide levels controlling for socioeconomic, demographic and geographic factors. Findings show that unemployment and income inequality affect homicides levels and that the effect of the former is more pronounced compared to the latter. Moreover, the combination of income inequality and unemployment exacerbates the overall effect of deprivation on homicide levels.

Keywords: deprivation, inequality, interaction, unemployment, violence

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Authors: Rubina Waseem

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The research focuses on the major crises and major effects, largely unforeseen, to counter international security concerns. At the close of 2019, the Covid-19 pandemic broke out in the city of Wuhan in Hubei province, China. The coronavirus was initially seen as an inchoate danger, aimed at striking people randomly. Owing to the extraordinary transmissibility of the virus and the highly knitted nature of the international political world, the Covid-19 soon became a formidable global challenge. The once hustling and bustling avenues, city centers, and market places became deserted. Lockdown, self-isolation, hygiene and safety, social-distancing, and job losses became a new norm. The national economies gradually plunged into crisis. The pandemic has so far caused over 33 million cases and one million deaths. The virus continues to devastate social life, as there is yet no therapeutic available. While the world was preoccupied addressing the human and social toll, the pandemic has exacerbated despair, mistrust, and friction in international relations, diplomacy, and strategy. The research will discuss how the coronavirus has accelerated the trends of transition in the postwar security order constructed by the United States. China, Russia, European Union, and other lesser regional players are now increasingly changing their security orientations to undermine the United States standing and authority in world politics. The systemic level analyses will be adopted as a methodology to broaden the lens of the study, and the research will analyze the prevalent global power distribution, whether vulnerable or exposed. The trends of parochial nationalism and isolationism are increasingly replacing multilateralism and collectivism. Yet worse, military posturing is assuming a greater role in international interactions. Taken together, the pandemic has worsened the prospects of international peace and stability by mounting equal pressure across the channels of international relations, diplomacy, and strategy. It is yet unclear which country or collectivity will face the real brunt. Despite this jaded and pessimistic view, the lingering pandemic has the potential to reinforce cooperation, multilateralism, and collectivism in the realm of international politics. There is a renewed momentum for global efforts against the pandemic. States and societies are coming closer to act as a whole. Equally important, the world leaders are feeling tempted to revisit the traditional conception of national security. In this regard, they are exploring the possibility of according preference to non-traditional security issues. In essence, the research concludes that Covid-19 has put the international political system under a great trial.

Keywords: covid-19, global challenges, international politics, international security

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Authors: Hong Beom Hur

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Politics in America is polarized. The best illustration of this is the 2016 presidential election result map. States with megacities like California, New York, Illinois, Virginia, and others are marked blue to signify the color of the Democratic party. States located in inland and south like Texas, Florida, Tennesse, Kansas and others are marked red to signify the color of the Republican party. Such a stark difference between two colors, red and blue, combined with geolocations of each state with their borderline remarks one central message; America is divided into two colors between urban Democrats and rural Republicans. This paper seeks to defy the visualization by pointing out its limitations and search for alternative ways to visualize the 2016 election result. One such limitation is that geolocations of each state and state borderlines limit the visualization of population density. As a result, the election result map does not convey the fact that Clinton won the popular vote and only accentuates the voting patterns of urban and rural states. The paper seeks whether an alternative narrative can be observed by factoring in the population number into the size of each state and manipulating the state borderline according to the normalization. Yet another alternative narrative may be reached by factoring the size of each state by the number of the electoral college of each state by voting and visualize the number. Other alternatives will be discussed but are not implemented in visualization. Such methods include dividing the land of America into about 120 million cubes each representing a voter or by the number of whole population 300 million cubes. By exploring these alternative methods to visualize the politics of the 2016 election map, the public may be able to question whether it is possible to be free from the narrative of the divide-conquer when interpreting the election map and to look at both parties as a story of the United States of America.

Keywords: 2016 U.S. presidential election, data visualization, population scale, geo-political

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