Search results for: Russians

Authors: Irina S. Burashnikova, Dmitriy A. Sychev, Ruslan Y. Kazakov

Abstract:

Сytochrome P450 CYP2D6 activity affects antipsychotic therapy safety. CYP2D6*4 polymorphism frequency varies among different ethnic groups. We studied CYP2D6*4 polymorphism frequency in Tatar and Russian schizophrenic patients and association of CYP2D6*4 polymorphism and extrapyramidal disorders (EPD) frequency in schizophrenic patients on haloperidol monotherapy in daily doses up to 20 mg. Results: Heterozygous CYP2D6*4 allele carrier frequency among Tatars was lower (23.8% vs 32.4% in Russians), but the differences did not reach statistical significance. CYP2D6*4 allele frequency among Tatars was also lower (11.9% vs 24.3% in Russians), but the difference was not quite significant (p=0.0592). Average daily haloperidol dose in the group without EPD was significantly higher than in the group with EPD (11.35±4.6 vs 13.87±3.3 mg, p=0.0252), but average daily haloperidol dose/weight ratios in the compared groups had no significant differences. Statistically significant association between EPD development and heterozygous CYP2D6*1/*4 genotype and CYP2D6*4 allele carrier frequency was revealed among all schizophrenic patients and among those of Tatar nationality. Further well designed pharmacogenetic studies in different Russian regions are needed to improve psychotropic therapy safety and to establish evidence-based indications for pharmacogenetic testing in clinical practice.

Keywords: antipsychotic, CYP2D6 polymorphism, ethnic differences of CYP2D6*4 allele frequency, extrapyramidal side effects/disorder, schizophrenia, pharmacogenetics, Russians, Tatars

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Authors: Anatoliy Kharkhurin

Abstract:

The study argues that variations in creative performance may be stipulated by cross-cultural differences in perception of the creativity construct. In Experiment 1, 50 Russian and 50 Emirati college students received structured imagination test that requires producing a drawing of an alien creature. In Experiment 2, 53 Russian and 53 Emirati college students (different from Experiment 1) on 5-point Likert-type scale evaluated the level of creativity of the drawings produced in the Experiment I. Repeated-measure ANOVA revealed an interaction between the country where the drawings were produced and the country where they were evaluated. Russians evaluated their country mates’ drawings as more creative than the Emiratis evaluated their country mates’ drawings. Regression analysis revealed that the creativity level of the drawings was positively predicted by the Russians’ evaluation and negatively predicted by the Emiratis’ evaluation. Finally, the evaluation of the drawings by the Russians predicted divergent thinking performance.

Keywords: creativity, culture, cross-cultural, perception, production

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Authors: Tatiana N. Astakhova, Alexander E. Saprygin, Tatyana A. Golovko, Alexander N. Savostyanov, Mikhail S. Vlasov, Natalia V. Borisova, Alexandera G. Karpova, Urana N. Kavai-ool, Elena D. Mokur-ool, Nikolay A. Kolchanov, Lubomir I. Aftanas

Abstract:

The aim of the study is to compare behaviorally and EEG reactions in Turkic-speaking inhabitants of Siberia (Tuvinians and Yakuts) and Russians during the recognition of syntax errors in native and foreign languages. 63 healthy aboriginals of the Tyva Republic, 29 inhabitants of the Sakha (Yakutia) Republic, and 55 Russians from Novosibirsk participated in the study. All participants completed a linguistic task, in which they had to find a syntax error in the written sentences. Russian participants completed the task in Russian and in English. Tuvinian and Yakut participants completed the task in Russian, English, and Tuvinian or Yakut, respectively. EEG’s were recorded during the solving of tasks. For Russian participants, EEG's were recorded using 128-channels. The electrodes were placed according to the extended International 10-10 system, and the signals were amplified using ‘Neuroscan (USA)’ amplifiers. For Tuvinians and Yakuts EEG's were recorded using 64-channels and amplifiers Brain Products, Germany. In all groups 0.3-100 Hz analog filtering, sampling rate 1000 Hz were used. Response speed and the accuracy of recognition error were used as parameters of behavioral reactions. Event-related potentials (ERP) responses P300 and P600 were used as indicators of brain activity. The accuracy of solving tasks and response speed in Russians were higher for Russian than for English. The P300 amplitudes in Russians were higher for English; the P600 amplitudes in the left temporal cortex were higher for the Russian language. Both Tuvinians and Yakuts have no difference in accuracy of solving tasks in Russian and in their respective national languages (Tuvinian and Yakut). However, the response speed was faster for tasks in Russian than for tasks in their national language. Tuvinians and Yakuts showed bad accuracy in English, but the response speed was higher for English than for Russian and the national languages. With Tuvinians, there were no differences in the P300 and P600 amplitudes and in cortical topology for Russian and Tuvinian, but there was a difference for English. In Yakuts, the P300 and P600 amplitudes and topology of ERP for Russian were the same as Russians had for Russian. In Yakuts, brain reactions during Yakut and English comprehension had no difference and were reflected foreign language comprehension -while the Russian language comprehension was reflected native language comprehension. We found out that the Tuvinians recognized both Russian and Tuvinian as native languages, and English as a foreign language. The Yakuts recognized both English and Yakut as a foreign language, only Russian as a native language. According to the inquirer, both Tuvinians and Yakuts use the national language as a spoken language, whereas they don’t use it for writing. It can well be a reason that Yakuts perceive the Yakut writing language as a foreign language while writing Russian as their native.

Keywords: EEG, language comprehension, native and foreign languages, Siberian inhabitants

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Authors: Tatiana N. Astakhova, Alexander E. Saprygin, Tatyana A. Golovko, Alexander N. Savostyanov, Mikhail S. Vlasov, Natalia V. Borisova, Alexandera G. Karpova, Urana N. Kavai-ool, Elena D. Mokur-ool, Nikolay A. Kolchanov, Lubomir I. Aftanas

Abstract:

The study is dedicated to the research of brain activity in bilingual inhabitants of Siberia. We compared behavioral reactions and event-related potentials in Turkic-speaking inhabitants of Siberia (Tuvinians and Yakuts) and Russians. 63 healthy aboriginals of the Tyva Republic, 29 inhabitants of the Sakha (Yakutia) Republic, and 55 Russians from Novosibirsk participated in the study. All the healthy and right-handed participants, matched on age and sex, were students of different universities. EEG’s were recorded during the solving of linguistic tasks. In these tasks, participants had to find a syntax error in the written sentences. There were four groups of sentences: Russian, English, Tuvinian, and Yakut. All participants completed the tasks in Russian and English. Additionally, Tuvinians and Yakuts completed the tasks in Tuvinian or Yakut respectively. For Russians, EEG's were recorded using 128-channels according to the extended International 10-10 system, and the signals were amplified using “Neuroscan (USA)” amplifiers. For Tuvinians and Yakuts, EEG's were recorded using 64-channels and amplifiers Brain Products, Germany. In all groups, 0.3-100 Hz analog filtering and sampling rate 1000 Hz were used. As parameters of behavioral reactions, response speed and the accuracy of recognition were used. Event-related potentials (ERP) responses P300 and P600 were used as indicators of brain activity. The behavioral reactions showed that in Russians, the response speed for Russian was faster than for English. Also, the accuracy of solving tasks was higher for Russian than for English. The peak P300 in Russians were higher for English, the peak P600 in the left temporal cortex were higher for the Russian language. Both Tuvinians and Yakuts have no difference in accuracy of solving tasks in Russian and in their respective national languages. However, the response speed was faster for tasks in Russian than for tasks in their national language. Tuvinians and Yakuts showed bad accuracy in English, but the response speed was higher for English than for Russian and the national languages. This can be explained by the fact that they did not think carefully and gave a random answer for English. In Tuvinians, The P300 and P600 amplitudes and cortical topology were the same for Russian and Tuvinian and different for English. In Yakuts, the P300 and P600 amplitudes and topology of ERP for Russian were the same as what Russians had for Russian. In Yakuts, brain reactions during Yakut and English comprehension had no difference, and were reflected to foreign language comprehension - while the Russian language comprehension was reflected to native language comprehension. We found out that the Tuvinians recognized both Russian and Tuvinian as native languages, and English as a foreign language. The Yakuts recognized both English and Yakut as a foreign language, and only Russian as a native language. According to the inquirer, both Tuvinians and Yakuts use the national language as a spoken language, whereas they don’t use it for writing. It can well be a reason that Yakuts perceive the Yakut writing language as a foreign language while writing Russian as their native.

Keywords: EEG, ERP, native and foreign languages comprehension, Siberian inhabitants

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Authors: Natalia Polkanova, Sergey Kazakov

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In the research, we proposed the set of factors of tourist destinations attractiveness in Spain and determined the factors that have the greatest impact on the positive perception of the tourist destination by Russian tourists; also, we examined what factors create the willingness for Russians to recommend this tourist destination to their friends and relatives. The tourists' comments on the Russian travel sites have been analyzed in order to determine the frequency of attractiveness characteristics references. Additionally, the study will reflect the relationship of variables.

Keywords: tourism destination, destination attractiveness, destination competitiveness, content analysis, unstructured image

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Authors: Maryam Azish

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Russia, as an emerging global player in recent years, has projected a special place in the Middle East. Despite all the challenges it has faced over the years, it has always considered its presence in various fields with a strategy that has defined its maneuvering power as a level of competition and even confrontation with the United States. Therefore, its current approach is considered important as an influential actor in the Middle East. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, when the Russians withdrew completely from the Middle East, the American scene remained almost unrivaled by the Americans. With the start of the US-led war in Iraq and Afghanistan and the subsequent developments that led to the US military and political defeat, a new chapter in regional security was created in which ISIL and Taliban terrorism went along with the Arab Spring to destabilize the Middle East. Because of this, the Americans took every opportunity to strengthen their military presence. Iraq, Syria and Afghanistan have always been the three areas where terrorism was shaped, and the countries of the region have each reacted to this evil phenomenon accordingly. The West dealt with this phenomenon on a case-by-case basis in the general circumstances that created the fluid situation in the Arab countries and the region. Russian President Vladimir Putin accused the US of falling asleep in the face of ISIS and terrorism in Syria. In fact, this was an opportunity for the Russians to revive their presence in Syria. This article suggests that utilizing the recognition policy along with the constructivism theory will offer a better knowledge of Russia’s endeavors to endorse its international position. Accordingly, Russia’s distinctiveness and its ambitions for a situation of great power have played a vital role in shaping national interests and, subsequently, in foreign policy, in Putin's era in particular. The focal claim of the paper is that scrutinize Russia’s foreign policy with realistic methods cannot be attained. Consequently, with an aim to fill the prevailing vacuum, this study exploits the politics of acknowledgment in the context of constructivism to examine Russia’s foreign policy in the Middle East. The results of this paper show that the key aim of Russian foreign policy discourse, accompanied by increasing power and wealth, is to recognize and reinstate the position of great power in the universal system. The Syrian crisis has created an opportunity for Russia to unite its position in the developing global and regional order after ages of dynamic and prevalent existence in the Middle East as well as contradicting US unilateralism. In the meantime, the writer thinks that the question of identifying Russia’s position in the global system by the West has played a foremost role in serving its national interests.

Keywords: constructivism, foreign Policy, middle East, Russia, regionalism

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Authors: Soran Tarkhani

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A glance at social media shows that Russia's invasion of Ukraine receives considerable support among Arabs. This significant support for the Russian invasion of Ukraine is puzzling since most Arab leaders openly condemned the Russian invasion through the UN ES‑11/4 Resolution, and Arabs are among the first who experienced the devastating consequences of war firsthand. This article tries to answer this question by using multiple regression to analyze the online content of Arab responses to Russia's invasion of Ukraine on seven major news networks: CNN Arabic, BBC Arabic, Sky News Arabic, France24 Arabic, DW, Aljazeera, and Al-Arabiya. The article argues that the underlying reason for this Arab support is a reaction to the common anti-Western sentiments among Arabs. The empirical result from regression analysis supports the central arguments and uncovers the motivations behind the endorsement of the Russian invasion of Ukraine and the opposing Ukraine by many Arabs.

Keywords: Ukraine, Russia, Arabs, Ukrainians, Russians, Putin, invasion, Europe, war

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Authors: Matthew J. Flynn

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In early 2022, a thirty-mile column of Russian armor and assault vehicles sat poised to move south on the road to Kiev. That force has withdrawn as the Russians concentrate on attacking eastern Ukraine. Vladimir Putin’s armies appear content to destroy cities in an effort to attrit the Ukrainian will to continue fighting. That pivot signifies the acceptance of the ascendancy of the defense that now dictates any battlefield world-wide. To defeat what military theorist Carl von Clausewitz labeled “the stronger form of war” with a successful offensive requires an exercise in future war. In the past, the ascendancy of the defense has been overcome by a number of things including the application of superior leadership, better technology, organizational adaptation, and surpassing environmental limitations. A look at how each of these factors came to impact battle can tell us a great deal about what Ukraine means to tomorrow’s fight, and where the focus should lie to win the next war. Civilians presently secure the defensive ascendancy impacting warfare by dominating the shifts from domain to domain thanks to controlling access to cyberspace. That mandate will be tested and eventually falter. This paper tests the desirability of that proposition, as well as hoping for something more from humanity other than repeated and frequent wars making future war look much like past wars. As nations struggle to control cyberspace, a referendum on war as part of the human condition comes into focus.

Keywords: cyber, domains, future war, Putin, Ukraine

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Authors: Friba Haidari

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The aim of the study is to identify Russia's role in managing the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict betweenArmenia and Azerbaijan during the years 1990 to 2020. The Nagorno-Karabakh crisis can not be considered a mere territorial conflict but also a crossroads of interests of foreign actors. Geopolitical rivalries and the access to energy by regional and trans-regional actors have complicated the crisis and created a security challenge in the region, which is likely to escalate into a full-blown war between the parties involved. The geopolitical situation of Nagorno-Karabakh and its current situation have affected all peripheral states in some way. Russia, as one of the main actors in this scene, has been actively involved since the beginning of the crisis. The Russians have always sought to strengthen their influence and presence in the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis. Russia's efforts to weaken the role of the Minsk Group, The presence of Western actors, and the deployment of Russian forces in the disputed area can be assessed in this context. However, this study seeks to answer the question of what role did Russia play in managing the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan between 1990 and 2020? The study hypothesizes that Russia has prevented the escalation of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict through mediation and some coercion. This study is divided into four parts, including conflict management as a theoretical framework; Examining the competition and the role of actors in the Caucasus region, especially the role of the Minsk Group, and what approach or tools and methods Russia has used in its foreign policy in managing the conflict, and finally what are the relations between the countries involved and what will be Russia's role in the future? Was discussed. This study examines the analysis and transfer of ideas and information using authoritative international sources with an explanatory method and shares its results with everyone.

Keywords: Russia, conflict, nagorno-karabakh, management

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Authors: Euripides Antoniades

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In 1821, the Greek Revolution movement, under the political influence that arose from the French revolution, and the corresponding movements in Italy, Germany and America, demanded the liberation of the nation and the establishment of an independent national state. Published topics in the British press regarding the Greek Revolution, focused on: a)the right of the Greeks to claim their freedom from Turkish domination in order to establish an independent state based on the principle of national autonomy, b)criticism regarding Turkish rule as illegal and the power of the Ottoman Sultan as arbitrary, c)the recognition of the Greek identity and its distinction from the Turkish one and d)the endorsement Greeks as the descendants of ancient Greeks. The London Times is a print publication that presents, in chronological or thematic order, the news, opinions or announcements about the most important events that have occurred in a place during a specified period of time. A combination of qualitative and quantitative content analysis was applied. An attempt was made to record Greek Revolution references along with the usage of specific words and expressions that contribute to the representation of the historical events and their exposure to the reading public. Key finds of this research reveal that a)there was a frequency of passionate daily articles concerning the events in Greece, their length, and context in The Times of London, b)he British public opinion was influenced by this particular newspaper and c) he newspaper published various news about the revolution by adopting the role of animator of the Greek struggle. In fact, this type of news was the main substance of the The London Times’ structure, establishing a positive image about the Greek Revolution contributing to the European diplomatic development. These factors offered a change in the attitude of the British and Russians respectively assuming a positive approach towards Greece.

Keywords: Greece, revolution, press, the london times, great britain, mass media

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Authors: Nipuli Gajanayake

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The Russian military role beyond its national frontier has become a debatable hot topic in the international political arena. It’s advanced, and strategic responses in combating regional and international security problems have always been a factor to debate and criticize. Under such critical circumstances, Russia is attentive to play its military role according to the provisions of the Military Doctrine of the Russian Federation. Most importantly, the legal basis of the doctrine has also consisted with the generally recognized principles and norms of international law. Therefore, Russian international military assistances are pledged to accomplish international peace and security. The expansion of Russian military participation in the United Nations Peacekeeping operations, and military- political, and technical cooperation have largely evident the great effort of Russia in maintaining and restoring international peace and security. Moreover, the conflict management diplomacy and the development of dialogue with nation states to confront military risks and threats can also identify as a part of preserving international peace and security. In addition, Russia strives to strengthen the system of collective security with regional and international organizations through the legal framework of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO). Maintaining cooperative ties with the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) have highlighted the Russian deliberation on maintaining regional peace and security. Nevertheless, the extension of cordial relations with nation states and providing of military assistances during tensions and conflicts on their territories can also underscore as Russians commitments on maintaining international peace and security. Observing and recognizing the disparity between the West portrayed terms like ‘illegal Russian interventions’ and the comprehensive reality behind the ‘Russian military assistances’ are important to understand. However, a lopsided vision or a perspective towards the Russian international military role would not present a clear understanding about its valued and also dedicated hard work on maintaining international peace and security.

Keywords: collective security, diplomacy, international military role of Russia, international peace and security

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Authors: Daria Lozovskaia

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This paper is focused on the news coverage of public opinion polls about Russian full-scale invasion of Ukraine in Russian state-controlled media. After the announcement of the start of the so-called “Special Military Operation” on February 24, 2022, the number of publications of the results of public opinion polls increased many times over, and the poll numbers began to be discussed on social media and in the Kremlin’s official informational agenda. Headlines like "72 Percent of Russian Citizens Support the Operation " or "Russians Believe in Victory in the Special Military Operation" have become prominent parts of Russian state propaganda news stories and newspapers. At the same time, public opinion in Russia, as a concept and model, differs from the generally accepted democratic concept and has its own specifics. As a result, public opinion polls and their results, especially after February 24, have a number of features in the form of the dominance of the discourse of political elites in the media, which leads to a decrease in public awareness, the prevalence of the effect of joining the majority and a high number of non-responses due to fear of reprisals. The aim of this study was to determine the role of public opinion polls in the system of Russian war propaganda in Ukraine. For this purpose, were selected publications of the Russian media, the agenda of which corresponds to the official information policy of the Russian authorities. First, using frame analysis for the categories "Explicit trust", "Implicit trust", "Implicit distrust" and "Explicit distrust", provided by Irina Dusakova, the broadcast level of trust in the data of public opinion polls was determined. The results of this phase of the study showed that the Russian media broadcast an absolute level of confidence in public opinion polls regarding support for the war in Ukraine. The second stage of the study was the content analysis of publications. The categories of this analysis were derived from Anna Morelli's 10 Principles of Military Propaganda and Haavard Koppang's Definition of Propaganda to determine the purposes of the use of public opinion polls by Russian propaganda. The results of the study not only confirmed the widespread hypothesis that public opinion polls in Russia are used as a tool of state propaganda, but also showed that their purpose is to demonstrate the consolidation of society in support of the war and President Vladimir Putin.

Keywords: propaganda, public opinion, public opinion polls, Russian studies

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Authors: Dawa Wangmo

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The anti-religious campaigns of the Soviet Union in the 1930s eradicated Kalmyk Buddhism from the public sphere. Following Perestroika, the Kalmyks retained a sense of being essentially Buddhist people. Nevertheless, since the collapse of the Soviet Communist regime, Kalmykia has been going through vigorous ethnic and cultural revitalization. The new Kalmyk government is reviving the religion with the building of Buddhist temples and the attempted training of Kalymk monks. Kalmykia, officially an autonomous republic within the Federation of Russia, is situated in the European part of Russia in the steppe region bordering the Caspian Sea in its southeast. According to the 2010 census, the Kalmyks, a people of Mongolian origin, constitute over 57 percent of the Republic’s population of less than 290000. Russians living in Kalmykia comprise around 30 percent, the remainder being various Slavic and Asian groups. Since the Kalmyks historically adhere to Buddhism, Kalmykia is often described in tourist brochures and proudly by the Kalmyks themselves as one of the three “traditional Buddhist republics” of Russia and “the only Buddhist region” in Europe. According to traditional Kalmyk Gelug Buddhism, monasticism is the central aspect; hence monastic Tibetans from India have been invited to the Republic to help revive Buddhism and their Buddhist identity in Russia as a whole. However, for the young post-soviets, the monastic way of life is proving too alien, and the subsequent labeling by these monks of ‘surviving’ Kalmyk Buddhist practices as superstitious, mistaken, or corrupt is an initial step in the purification of alternate views, leading to religious reform. This sentiment is also felt by younger Kalmyks who do not find sense in surviving Buddhism but believe more in the philosophical approach of Buddhism taught by the visiting Buddhist teachers at Dharma centers. By discussing this post-soviet shift in local notions of religious efficacy, an attempt will be made to shed light on how the social movements of both reform and revival arise as a collusion between contemporary Tibetan and Kalmyk views on the nature of true Buddhism. This work explores aspects of religious innovation that have developed since the early 1990s in the process of reconstitution of ethnic and religious identity in Kalmykia, a Republic in the southwest of Russia. Any attempts to study the history of Buddhism in Kalmykia would surely mean studying the “History of the most northern Dharma community in the World.”

Keywords: Kalmykia, Tibetan Buddhism, reform, revival, identity

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Authors: Anya Glikman, Anastasia Gorodzeisky

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Since the late 1990th labor immigration and its consequences on the society have become one of the most frequently discussed and debated issues in Russia. Social scientists point that the negative attitudes towards immigrants among Russian majority population is widespread, and their level, at least, twice as high as their level in most other European countries. Moreover, recent study by Gorodzeisky, Glikman and Maskyleison (2014) demonstrates that the two sets of individual level predictors of anti-foreigner sentiment – socio-economic status and conservative views and ideologies – that have been repeatedly proved in research in Western countries are not effective in predicting of anti-foreigner sentiment in Post-Socialist Russia. Apparently, the social mechanisms underlying anti-foreigner sentiment in Western countries, which are characterized by stable regimes and relatively long immigration histories, do not play a significant role in the explanation of anti-foreigner sentiment in Post-Socialist Russia. The present study aims to examine alternative possible sources of anti-foreigner sentiment in Russia while controlling for socio-economic position of individuals and conservative views. More specifically, following the research literature on the topic worldwide, we aim to examine whether and to what extent human values (such as tradition, universalism, safety and power), ethnic residential segregation, fear of crime and exposure to mass media affect anti-foreigner sentiments in Russia. To do so, we estimate a series of multivariate regression equations using the data obtained from 2012 European Social Survey. The national representative sample consists of 2337 Russian born respondents. Descriptive results reveal that about 60% percent of Russians view the impact of immigrants on the country in negative terms. Further preliminary analysis show that anti-foreigner sentiments are associated with exposer to mass media as well as with fear of crime. Specifically, respondents who devoted more time watching news on TV channels and respondents who express higher levels of fear of crime tend to report higher levels of anti-immigrants sentiments. The findings would be discussed in light of sociological perspective and the context of Russian society.

Keywords: anti-immigrant sentiments, fear of crime, human values, mass media, Russia

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Authors: Ilona Bontenbal

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In this research, the potential for societal change is researched through the idea of migrants as change agents. The viewpoint is on the potential that migrants have for affecting societal change in their country of origin through transmitting transnational peer-to-peer information. The focus is on the information that Russian migrants living in Finland transmit about their experiences and attitudes regarding the Nordic welfare state, its democratic foundation and the social rights embedded in it, to their family and friends in their country of origin. The welfare provision and level of democracy are very different in the two neighbouring countries of Finland and Russia. Finland is a Nordic welfare state with strong democratic institutions and a comprehensive actualizing of civil and social rights. In Russia, the state of democracy has on the other hand been declining, and the social and civil rights of its citizens are constantly undermined. Due to improvements in communications and travel technology, migrants can easily and relatively cheaply stay in contact with their family and friends in their country of origin. This is why it is possible for migrants to act as change agents. By telling about their experiences and attitudes about living in a democratic welfare state, migrants can affect what people in the country or origin know and think about welfare, democracy, and social rights. This phenomenon is approached through the concept of social remittances. Social remittances broadly stand for the ideas, know-how, world views, attitudes, norms of behavior, and social capital that flows through transnational networks from receiving- to sending- country communities and the other way around. The viewpoint is that historically and culturally formed democratic welfare models cannot be copied entirely nor that each country should achieve identical development paths, but rather that migrants themselves choose which aspects they see as important to remit to their acquaintances in their country of origin. This way the potential for social change and the agency of the migrants is accentuated. The empirical research material of this study is based on 30 qualitative interviews with Russian migrants living in Finland. Russians are the largest migrant group in Finland and Finland is a popular migration destination especially for individuals living in North-West Russia including the St. Petersburg region. The interviews are carried out in 2018-2019. The preliminary results indicate that Russian migrants discuss social rights and welfare a lot with their family members and acquaintances living in Russia. In general, the migrants feel that they have had an effect on the way that their friends and family think about Finland, the West, social rights and welfare provision. Democracy, on the other hand, is seen as a more difficult and less discussed topic. The transformative potential that the transmitted information and attitudes could have outside of the immediate circle of acquaintances on larger societal change is seen as ambiguous although not negligible.

Keywords: migrants as change agents, Russian migrants, social remittances, welfare and democracy

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Authors: Euripides Antoniades

Abstract:

In 1821 the Greek Revolution movement, under the political influence that arose from the French revolution, and the corresponding movements in Italy, Germany and America, requested the liberation of the nation and the establishment of an independent national state. Published topics in the British press regarding the Greek Revolution, focused on : a) the right of the Greeks to claim their freedom from Turkish domination in order to establish an independent state based on the principle of national autonomy, b) criticism regarding Turkish rule as illegal and the power of the Ottoman Sultan as arbitrary, c) the recognition of the Greek identity and its distinction from the Turkish one and d) the endorsement Greeks as the descendants of ancient Greeks. The advantage of newspaper as a media is sharing information and ideas and dealing with issues in greater depth and detail, unlike other media, such as radio or television. The London Times is a print publication that presents, in chronological or thematic order, the news, opinions or announcements about the most important events that have occurred in a place during a specified period of time. This paper employs the rich archive of The London Times archive by quoting extracts from publications of that period, to convey the British public perspective regarding the Greek Revolution from its beginning until the London Protocol of 1828. Furthermore, analyses the publications of the British newspaper in terms of the number of references to the Greek revolution, front page and editorial references as well as the size of publications on the revolution during the period 1821-1828. A combination of qualitative and quantitative content analysis was applied. An attempt was made to record Greek Revolution references along with the usage of specific words and expressions that contribute to the representation of the historical events and their exposure to the reading public. Key finds of this research reveal that a) there was a frequency of passionate daily articles concerning the events in Greece, their length, and context in The London Times, b) the British public opinion was influenced by this particular newspaper and c) the newspaper published various news about the revolution by adopting the role of animator of the Greek struggle. For instance, war events and the battles of Wallachin and Moldavia, Hydra, Crete, Psara, Mesollogi, Peloponnese were presented not only for informing the readers but for promoting the essential need for freedom and the establishment of an independent Greek state. In fact, this type of news was the main substance of the The London Times’ structure, establishing a positive image about the Greek Revolution contributing to the European diplomatic development such as the standpoint of France, - that did not wish to be detached from the conclusions regarding the English loans and the death of Alexander I of Russia and his succession by the ambitious Nicholas. These factors offered a change in the attitude of the British and Russians respectively assuming a positive approach towards Greece. The Great Powers maintained a neutral position in the Greek-Ottoman conflict, same time they engaged in Greek power increasement by offering aid.

Keywords: Greece, revolution, newspaper, the London times, London, great britain, mass media

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