Search results for: women's rights movement

Authors: Bennabhaktula Lavanya

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The study of women, their societal roles, and their importance has been a subject of intense discussion and scholarly inquiry. Researchers have diligently endeavoured to understand the influence of women in the domains of society, economy, culture, and politics, as well as the broader ramifications for society. Women's history aims to improve existing historical accounts by analyzing political institutions, economic events, social frameworks, cultural trends, and primary sources that have historically underprivileged women. The extensive research undertaken has resulted in the formation and recognition of women's history as a valid and unique subject of study within history. The Present paper analyses the academic discipline of Women's History and investigates its changing patterns. Tries to address the challenge of transforming the prevailing historical tradition by using innovative methods and frameworks and analyses the interests, experiences, and achievements of women in order to recreate their perceptions and priorities. The paper also examines the principles of Women's History, Gender Studies, and Feminist History and varying perspectives on women.

Keywords: history, perspectives, research, women

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Authors: Ankita Shanker, Angus Nurse

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The notion of animal rights is an emerging trend in various spaces, including judicial and societal discourse. But one of the key purposes of recognizing the fundamental rights of anyone is their de-objectification. Animals are a prime example of a group that has rights that are neither recognized nor protected in any meaningful way, and anything that purports differently fails to ameliorate this because it still objectifies animals. Animals are currently treated by law and society as commodities with primarily (though not exclusively) instrumental value to some other rights-holder, such as humans or nature. So most protections that are afforded to them are done so in furtherance of the interests that they allegedly further, be it social morality or environmental protection. Animal rights are thus often seen as an application or extension of the rights of humans or, more commonly, the rights of nature. What this means is that animal rights are not always protected or even recognized in their own regard, but as stemming from some other reason, or worse, instrumentally as means to some other ends. This has two identifiable effects from a legal perspective: animal rights are not seen as inherently justified and are not seen as inherently valuable. Which in turn means that there can be no fundamental protection of animal rights. In other words, judicial protection does not always entail protection of animal ‘rights’ qua animal rights, which is needed for any meaningful protections to be afforded to animals. But the effects of this legal paradigm do not end at the legal status of animals. Because this status, in turn, affects how persons and the societies of which they form part see animals as a part of the rights of others, such as humans or nature, or as valuable only insofar as they further these rights, as opposed to as individuals with inherent worth and value deserving of protection regardless of their instrumental usefulness to these other objectives. This does nothing to truly de-objectify animals. Because even though most people would agree that animals are not objects, they continue to treat them as such wherever it serves them. For individuals and society to resolve, this inconsistency between stance and actions is for them to believe that animals are more than objects on a psychological and societal level. In this paper, we examine the implications of this perception of animals and their rights on the legal protections afforded to them and on the minds of individuals and civil society. We also argue that a change in the legal and societal status of animals can be brought about only through judicial, psychological, and sociological acknowledgment that animals have inherent value and deserve protection on this basis. Animal rights derived in such a way would not need to place reliance on other justifications and would not be subject to subjugation to other rights should a conflict arise.

Keywords: animal rights law, animal protection laws, psycho-socio-legal studies, animal rights, human rights, rights of nature

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Authors: Minjeoung Kim

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Since women obtained the right to vote in 1893 for the first time in New Zealand, they have tried to participate actively into politics but still the world has a few women in political leadership. The article asks which factors might influence the appearance of women leadership in politics. The article investigates two factors such as political context, personal factors. Countries where economic development is stable and political democracy is consolidated have a tendency of appearance of women political leadership but in less developed and politically unstable countries, women politicians can be in power with their own reasons. For the personal factor, their feminist propensity is studied but there is no relationship between the appearance of women leaders and their feminist propensity.

Keywords: women political leadership, political context, slow track, transitory countries, feminist propensity

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Authors: Elmira Fotoohi

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Representation of women in commercials and the place of sex in advertising is a part of communication studies and all of them are subset of advertising sociology. In this context, a lot of national and international studies have been done from different aspects. But in the meantime, and in connection with women issues, researchers in Communication Science and Sociology are interested in two topics “use of pornographic images of women” and “repeated representations of women in traditional roles and gender stereotypes by emphasizing the differences between men and women”, more than any other topics. Considering a number of changes that have occurred in social institutions and at different levels, the main research question currently are, what is the role of women in our TV ads and how are they represented in them? Do the local television ads represent women in the same issues as the researchers on this topic has proposed or new changes have occurred? Many scholars and thinkers in the field of media outlet that, today, media not just focus on women as gender issues or sex objects, but also seeks to strengthen the gender division of labor in the family and emphasize on the traditional muliebrity and masculinity stereotype.

Keywords: women, representation, tv commercials, advertising sociology, gender stereotypes

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Authors: Md. Kabir Azaharul Islam

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Background: The purpose of this interventions was to describe the source and extent to increase health seeking rights and uptake of quality integrated maternal health, family planning and HIV information, clinical-non clinical services, and commodities amongst young people age 10-24 among brothel based Female Sex Worker’s in Bangladesh. Such Knowledge will equip with information to develop more appropriate and effective interventions that address the problem of HIV/AIDS and SRHR within the brothel based female sex worker’s community. Methods: Before start the intervention we observed situation in brothel and identify lack of knowledge about health issues, modern health facility, sexual harassment and violence & health rights. To enable access to the intervention obtained permission from a series of stakeholders within the brothel system. This intervention to the most vulnerable young key people during January 2014 to December, 2015, it designed an intervention that focuses on using peer education and sensitization meeting with self help group leader’s, pimbs, swardarni, house owner, local leaders, law enforcement agencies and target young key people (YKPs) through peer educator’s distributed BCC materials and conducted one to one and group session issues of HIV/AIDS, life skill education, maternal health, sexual reproductive health & rights, gender based violence, STD/STI and drug users in the community. Set up community based satellite clinic to provided clinical-non clinical services and commodities for SRH, FP and HIV including general health among brothel based FSWs. Peer educator frequently move and informed target beneficiaries’ age 10-24 YKPs about satellite clinic as well as time & date in the community. Results: This intervention highly promotes of brothel based FSW utilization of local facility based health providers private and public health facilities.2400 FSWs age 10-24 received information on SRHR, FP and HIV as well as existing health facilities, most of FSWs to received service from traditional healer before intervention. More than 1080 FSWs received clinical-non clinical services and commodities from satellite clinic including 12 ANC, 12 PNC and 25 MR. Most of young FSW age 10-24 are treated bonded girls under swardarni, house owner and pimbs, they have no rights to free movement as per need. As a result, they have no rights for free movement. However the brothel self help group (SHG) has become sensitized flowing this intervention. Conclusions: The majority of female sex workers well being regarding information on SRHR, FP and HIV as well as local health facilities now they feel free to go outside facilities for better health service. not only increased FSWs’ vulnerability to HIV infection and sexual reproductive health rights but also had huge implications for their human rights. This means that even when some clients impinged FSW’s rights (for example avoiding payment for services under the pretext of dissatisfaction), they might not be able to seek redress for fear of being ejected from the brothel. They raise voice national & local level different forum.

Keywords: ANC, HIV, PNC, SRHR

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Authors: Yifan Jia

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The Metis is a group of indigenous peoples in Canada. Having experienced centuries of injustices, beginning with colonialism dating back to the 16th century, culminating with military defeats in the 1800s and the establishment of residential schools, and continuing with structural injustices in the 21st century, Metis people have long been, and continue to be marginalized and made invisible in the Canadian society. In particular, Metis women born between 1997 and 2012 face intersectional discrimination based on not only race, but also a multitude of identity factors, including gender, age, geographical location, health, sexual orientation, and lateral violence from First Nations peoples. This paper uncovers the multilayered oppression against young Metis women through a literature review and uses several theories to analyze the invisibility of this discrimination in society, including color-blind racism, collective shame, lack of understanding of intersectionality, and Mauvaise foi (bad faith). To address the invisible, intersectional discrimination against young Metis women, several suggestions and possibilities could be considered. These include amending the education system, fostering group affiliation, bringing structural changes to federal policies and funding systems, and cooperating with other indigenous nations such as First Nations and Inuit.

Keywords: discrimination, Metis Women, indigenous rights, intersectionality

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Authors: Somsak Assavasirisilp

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The purposes of this research were to study the level of participation in the politic activities of Thai women, to study the factors influencing the Thai women’s entry into national politics, and to study the problems and obstacles to prevent women from enter national politics. This was a mixed research method of both qualitative and quantitative technique. The findings revealed that there were many problems and obstacles, especially culture and social norm, to prevent women from enter national politics and did not have many factors to support Thai women to become successful women politician.

Keywords: culture, social norm, national politics, Thai women

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Authors: Giovanna X. De Moura, Fernando A. Starepravo

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In recent years, the discussion of women in sports has been part of the political agenda in several countries. However, in the Brazilian scope, it is possible to say that women's sport has not become a social problem recognized by political actors and, therefore, it has not entered the country's governmental agenda. Thus, this work aimed to analyze why sport for women is not on the Brazilian government's agenda. For this, it was interviewed six women considered to be stakeholders in sports, that is, women who influence or are influenced by sports. The interviews were based on a semi-structured script and carried out in the year 2022. Due to the difficulties of commuting and of the schedule of the interviewees, some interviews were carried out in person, others by video call or telephone and others by WhatsApp. The interviews were transcribed and analyzed using Bardin's Content Analysis. As a result, from the stakeholders' perception, it was ascertained that women's sport is not considered a political problem because both sport and politics are considered masculinized fields, making it difficult for women to be present in both spaces. Besides, not only the sport of women but sport in general, is seen as just a marketing tool and a way of getting financial return for companies, being neglected in government plans. Due to this fact, private institutions, corporative means, federations and confederations have been mobilized in the creation of policies that seek changes in the current scenario. Despite this, two PLs (PL 6263/2019 and PL 5297/2020) have been in the process since 2019 but have not been approved yet due to the failure to submit amendments within the established deadline. In order to change this reality, the ones surveyed suggested that there should be not only different types of women represented on the most varied fronts of sports but also more visibility of the issue of women in this field. Furthermore, they mentioned the importance of the creation of specific plans and policies that guarantee a safe place for women and that are consolidated as State policies. In addition, the need for more women in political decision-making positions was also mentioned. It was concluded that women's sport appears on the agenda at a secondary level since it is included on the legislative, and political agenda but not in the executive branch. In addition, there is not enough movement and mobilization in favor of women's sports for it to become a discussion in the field of politics. Regarding the Multiple Streams Model, women's sport is present only in the ideas stream, as there are solutions and ideas for improvements in this field. Finally, it was pointed that there is still a strong dependence on the State for the creation of policies that seek improvements in the participation of girls and women in sport, hence, being necessary the creation of multicentric policies, including non-governmental agents in the process of elaborating policies.

Keywords: agenda, politics, stakeholders, women’s sport

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Authors: Uche A. Nnawulezi

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This study evolved from the need to look at and evaluate the difficulties in the domestication of International Laws and Human Rights Laws in Nigeria. Essentially, the paper-based its examination on documentary evidence and depended much on secondary sources, for example, textbooks, journals, articles, periodicals and research reports emanating from suggestions of international law experts, jurists and human rights lawyers on the development challenges in domesticating international laws and human rights laws in Nigeria. These data were analyzed by the application of content analysis and careful observation of the current municipal laws which has posed great challenges in the domestication of International laws. This paper might follow the historical backdrop of the practices in the use of International law in Nigeria and should likewise consider the challenges inherent in these practices. The paper suggests that a sustainable domestication of International Laws and its application in Nigerian courts will ensure a better enforcement of human rights within the domestic jurisdiction.

Keywords: international law, human rights, domestication, challenges

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Authors: Ali Mohammadi

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This study explored the root causes of women's lack of writing in literature by digging into Virginia Woolf's A Room of One’s Own. Virginia Woolf was the pioneer of feminist literary criticism in the 20th century. She was hugely preoccupied, throughout her writing life, with the role of women in history and with the relationship between women and fiction. Besides, she wrote continuously about the difficulties of women's writing and of writing as a woman. This research aims to mirror a number of key arguments concerning women’s issues: the social and economic conditions necessary for writing; the problem of a tradition of women's writing; the concept of a 'female sentence' articulating women's voices and values and the idea of the androgynous aesthetic in which an author would be able to write free from an awareness of their sex as male or female. Woolf was very wary of making any definitive assertions about women's writing, or at least in terms of its style or form. Indeed, much of the essay is taken up with her reflections on the lack of women's writing over the history of English literature. It was concluded that the reason for this absence of female writing does not just spring from the deficiency of genius, but of material circumstances and facilities. Additionally, the demands of the domestic household, the poverty of education available to women, and the laws that denied married women’s ownership of funds or property made it virtually impossible for women to take up writing as a profession.

Keywords: autonomy, facilities, genius, literature, women

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Authors: Soundarya Lahari Vedula

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Dalit women make up a significant portion of the Indian population. However, they are victims of age old discrimination. This paper presents a brief background of the Indian caste system which is a hierarchical division placing Dalits at the lowest rank. Dalits are forced to perform menial and harsh tasks. They often face social ostracism. The situation of Dalit women is of unique significance as they face triple discrimination due to their caste, gender, and class. Dalit women are strictly withheld by the rigid boundaries of the caste system. They are discriminated at every stage of their life and are denied access to public places, education and healthcare facilities among others. They face the worst forms of sexual violence. In spite of legislations and international conventions in place, their plight is not adequately addressed. This paper discusses, in brief, the legal mechanism in place to prohibit untouchability. Furthermore, this paper details on the specific human rights violations faced by Dalit women in the social, economic and political spheres. The violations range from discrimination in public places, denial of education and health services, sexual exploitation and barriers to political representation. Finally, this paper identifies certain lacunae in the existing Indian statutes and broadens on the measures to be taken to improve the situation of Dalit women. This paper offers some recommendations to address the plight of Dalit women such as amendments to the existing statutes, effective implementation of legal mechanisms and a more meaningful interpretation of the international conventions.

Keywords: Dalit, caste, class, discrimination, equality

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Authors: Sana Zia

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One of the most important questions for research on Muslim women's representation is the relationship between Islam and women’s situation in Islamic countries. In this context, certain questions can be raised like is it possible to analyze women’s situation in Islamic countries like Pakistan? Or what is the relationship between Islam and patriarchy? So this paper will examine all these questions by analysing Muslim women's representation in Pakistani Cinema. It is also significant to note that despite political and religious constraints in Muslim countries, in particular, Pakistan, women have not only been part of the film industry for long, but they also have chosen films as their feminist tool to question and expose the effects of patriarchy, religious fundamentalism, and gender-specific socio-cultural oppression. The religious-cultural ethos that could include gender-specific restrictions and limitations on their creative expression as Muslim women in an Islamic society. A new wave of Pakistani cinema is pivoting around strong Muslim female characters and opened up a new thought about Islamic women.Their contributions and success through this medium emphasized the need to investigate the significance and effectiveness of contemporary cinema as a tool of resistance and cross-cultural communication in a Muslim society. So this research can also provide a better understanding about Islam that needs to be modernized and reclaimed from the clutches of fundamentalism and extremism. This paper thus investigates the interrelation of women's representation and Pakistani cinema by analysing two films ‘Bol: To speak up’ and ‘Dukhter: Daughter’. The feminist analysis of these films not only helps to understand the new trends and dimensions in representation of Muslim women in Pakistani cinema, but this also helps to raise awareness globally regarding the depiction of Muslim women. So to foreground the above mentioned discussion, the films under study helps to evaluate their significance, the role they play towards activism, resistance, and global awareness in terms of what could be termed as a Muslim woman. The paper thus provides a valuable insight that how and why Islam is being used as a mechanism to merge social, political and economic factors to define the rights and conditions of Pakistani Muslim women and highlight the cinematic struggle of the film maker’s which by using films as an awareness tool are going to highlight the problems and issues of Muslim women in the global world.

Keywords: Muslim women, Pakistani cinema, patriarchy, religious fundamentalism

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Authors: Maath M. Musleh

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This research aims to study recent trends in the Palestinian feminist movement through the case study of Tal3at. The study uses social network analysis as its primary method to analyze Twitter data. It attempts to interpret results through the lens of network theories and Parson’s AGIL paradigm. The study reveals major structural weaknesses in the Tal3at network. Our findings suggest that the movement will decline soon as sentiments of alienation amongst Palestinian women increases. These findings were validated by a couple of central actors in the network. This study contributes an SNA approach to the understanding of the understudied Palestinian feminism.

Keywords: feminism, Palestine, social network analysis, Tal3at

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Authors: Pouira Askary

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Indeed, in our globalized world which is facing with various international crises, the transnational corporations and other business enterprises have the capacity to foster economic well-being, development, technological improvement and wealth, as well as causing adverse impacts on human rights. The UN Human Rights Council declared that although the primary responsibility to protect human rights lie with the State but the transnational corporations and other business enterprises have also a responsibility to respect and protect human rights in the framework of corporate social responsibility. In 2011, the Human Rights Council endorsed the Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, a set of guidelines that define the key duties and responsibilities of States and business enterprises with regard to business-related human rights abuses. In UN’s view, the Guiding Principles do not create new legal obligations but constitute a clarification of the implications of existing standards, including under international human rights law. In 2014 the UN Human Rights Council decided to establish a working group on transnational corporations and other business enterprises whose mandate shall be to elaborate an international legally binding instrument to regulate, in international human rights law, the activities of transnational corporations and other business enterprises. Extremely difficult task for the working group to codify a legally binding document to regulate the behavior of corporations on the basis of the norms of international law! Concentration of this paper is on the origins of those human rights applicable on business enterprises. The research will discuss that the social and ethical roots of the CSR are much more institutionalized and elaborated than the legal roots. Therefore, the first step is to determine whether and to what extent corporations, do have an ethical responsibility to respect human rights and if so, by which means this ethical and social responsibility is convertible to legal commitments.

Keywords: CSR, ethics, international law, human rights, development, sustainable business

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Authors: Timothy Fwa Yerima

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This paper evaluates the development of human rights jurisprudence in Africa by the ECOWAS Court of Justice. It traces that though ECOWAS was not established with the aim of promoting and protecting human rights as the African Court of Human and Peoples’ Rights, no doubt, the 1991 ECOWAS Court Protocol and the 1993 ECOWAS Revised Treaty give the ECOWAS Court its human rights mandate. The paper, however, points out that despite the availability of these two Laws, the ECOWAS Court had difficulty in its human rights mandate, in view of the twin problems of lack of access to the Court by private parties and personal jurisdiction of the Court to entertain cases filed by private parties. The paper considers the 2005 Supplementary Protocol, not only as an effective legal framework in West African Sub-Region that tackles these problems in human rights cases but also a strong foundation upon which the Court has been developing human rights jurisprudence in Africa through the interpretation and application of this Law and other sources of Law of the Court. After a thorough analysis of some principles laid down by the ECOWAS Court so far, the paper observes that human rights jurisprudence in Africa is growing rapidly; depicting that though the ECOWAS Court initially had difficulty in its human rights mandate, today it has a bright and visionary landing. The paper concludes that West African Sub-Region will witness a more effective performance of the ECOWAS Court if some of its challenges are tackled.

Keywords: access, African human rights, ECOWAS court of justice, jurisprudence, personal jurisdiction

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Authors: Prajwal Raj Gyawali, Aastha Dahal

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The tension between human rights and loans provided by international development banks with hidden conditions in the pretext of development is a complex issue with significant implications for the rights of citizens in borrowing countries. It is important for all parties involved, including international banks, borrowing countries, and affected communities, to consider and respect human rights in the negotiation and implementation of development projects. Yet, it is rare for human rights actors or communities to have a seat at the negotiation table when loans are finalized. In our research, we conducted negotiation simulations in law schools to examine how international loan negotiations would play out if human rights actors and communities had seats at the table. We ran the negotiation simulations in Bangladesh, Nepal and India. We found that the presence of community groups and human rights actors makes a difference in loan outcomes. While the international development loan was accepted as opposed to rejected by negotiators in three countries, the cultural values of the respective countries played a significant part in terms of the final agreement. We present the findings and their implications for the design of human rights courses in law schools as well as larger policy implications for expanding the participation of actors in international development loan negotiations.

Keywords: law, development, debt, human rights

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Authors: Xinrui Zhao

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Connective actions acquired a completely different outlook of a social movement which credited with the rapid developed of social media technologies. New social movements amalgamate and mobilize around hashtags, memes, and personalized action frames. In 2017, the #MeToo movements from America spread to a variety of countries as a hashtag on social media. It attempted to demonstrate the widespread prevalence of sexual assault and harassment movement. It also encouraged Chinese women to participate by devoting and contributing their voices and acts. Furthermore, China’s #MeToo movement shows certain characteristics which are strongly shaped by particular political and cultural backgrounds, that also need to be studied. This paper serves as supplementary materials of connective action studies by addressing the #MeToo movement issues in China, which is rarely mentioned previously in the literature, it also supports a view that suggests that ideological and cultural drivers both strategically contribute to personalized action frames. This paper combines textual analysis methods, collecting attached materials from search engines in China’s social media, portrays the structure of China’s #MeToo movements by showing prominent activists, scholars, organization and the public’s action frame in China’s social media(Weibo, wechat, zhihu, douban). In doing so, it seeks to find how China’s #MeToo movements are organized and reveal diversities of social action approaches among those three subjects, digs out the correlations of their actions related to different social media platforms. This analysis suggests that while facing the government's censorship and moral judgments from the public, China’s #MeToo movement combines with few influential sexual assault and harassment events and is lead by the prominent activists who also are the victims in the events. The debates and critiques among Chinese scholars concerned the outcomes and significance of China’s #MeToo movement are divided into sides. Organizations still show less power in participating China’s movement social media. Public’s participation is varied of platforms which hugely affected by their personal experiences and knowledge.

Keywords: connective action, China, MeToo movement, social media

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Authors: Alan Berman, Mark Brady

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The phenomenon of homophobia and transphobia in the United States detrimentally impacts the health, wellbeing, and dignity of school students who identify with the LGBTQ+ community. These negative impacts also compromise the participation of LGBTQ+ individuals in the wider life of educational domains and endanger the potential economic, social and cultural contribution this community can make to American society. The recent 6:3 majority decision of the US Supreme Court in Dobbs v Jackson Women’s Health Organization expressly overruled the 1973 decision in Roe v Wade and the 1992 Planned Parenthood v Casey decision. This study will canvass the bases upon which the court in Dobbs overruled longstanding precedent established in Roe and Casey. It will examine the potential implications for the LGBTQ community of the result in Dobbs. The potential far-reaching consequences of this case are foreshadowed in a concurring opinion by Justice Clarence Thomas, suggesting the Court should revisit all substantive due process cases. This includes notably the Lawrence v Texas case (invalidating sodomy laws criminalizing same-sex relations) and the Obergefellcase (upholding same-sex marriage). Finally, the study will examine the likely impact of the uncertainty brought about by the decision in Doddsfor LGBTQ students in US educational institutions. The actions of several states post-Dobbs, reflects and exacerbates the problems facing LGBTQ+ students and uncovers and highlights societal homophobia and transphobia.

Keywords: human rights, LGBT rights, right to personal dignity and autonomy, substantive due process rights

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Authors: Enrico Maria la Forgia

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Since the 80ies, in specific situations, France’s Muslims have enacted political actions to reply to attacks on their identity or assimilation attempts, using their religious affiliation as a resource for the organization and expression of collective claims. Indeed, despite Islam's internal sectarian and ethnic differences, religion may be politicized when minorities’ social and cultural rights are under attack. French Civil Society organizations, in this specific case with an Islamic background (ICSO - Islamic Civil Society Organizations), play an essential role in defending Muslims’ social and cultural rights. As a matter of fact, Civil Society organized on an ethnic or religious base is a way to strengthen minoritarian communities and their role as political actors, especially in multicultural contexts. Since the first 1983’s “Marche des Beurs” (slang word referring to French citizens with foreign origins), which involved many Muslims, the development of ICSO contributed to the strenghtening of Islam in France, here meant as a Social Movement aiming to constitute a French version of Islam, defending minorities’ cultural and religious rights, and change the perception of Islam itself in national society. However, since a visible and stigmatized minority, ICSO do not relate only to protests as a strategy to achieve their goals: on several occasions, pressure on authorities through personal networks and connections, or the introduction into public debates of bargaining through the exploitation of national or international crisis, might appear as more successfully - public discourses on minorities and Islam are generally considered favorable conditions to advance requests for cultural legitimation. The proposed abstract, based on a literary review and theoretical/methodological reflection on the state of knowledge on the topic, aims to open a new branch of studies and analysis of Civil Society and Social Movements in Europe, focusing on the French Islamic community as a political actor relating on ICSO to pressure society, local, and national authorities to improve Muslims' rights. The opted methodology relies on a qualitative approach based on ethnography and face-to-face interviews addressing heads and middle-high level activists from ICSO, in an attempt to individuate the strategies enacted by ICSO for mobilizing Muslims and build relations with, on one hand, local and national authorities; into the other, with actors belonging to the Civil Society/political sphere. The theoretical framework, instead, relies on the main Social Movements Theories (resources mobilization, political opportunity structure, and contentious/non-contentious movements), aiming to individuate eventual gaps in the analysis of Islamic Social Movements and Civil Society in minoritarian contexts.

Keywords: Islam, islamophobia, civil society, social movements, sociology, qualitative methodology, Islamic activism in social movement theory, political change, Islam as social movement, religious movements, protest and politics, France, Islamic civil society

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Authors: Fatemeh Jalalvand

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The critical human rights problems such as extreme poverty, hunger, inequalities and gender discrimination need to be addressed by powerful and influential actors in the world. In today’s globalization, corporations have become one of the potent agents in the society. They are capable of generating economic growth, reducing poverty, and increasing the well-being of individuals, thereby contributing to the betterment of a broad spectrum of human rights. However, the discussion on how business can contribute to human rights has primarily focused on not violating them (reactive approach) rather than improving the conditions and solving the problems of human rights (proactive approach). In particular, the role of corporate social responsibility (CSR) in bringing proactivity of business in human rights has gained less attention. This paper develops a conceptual framework to examine the role of different categories of CSR, including discretionary, ethical, legal, instrumental and political CSR in encouraging the proactive contribution of corporations to the betterment of human rights. The five propositions, related to the conceptual framework, outline the relationships between five categories of CSR and proactivity of corporations in human rights. The findings indicate that discretionary CSR with voluntary nature might not be able to motivate any contribution of business in human rights. Moreover, ethical CSR and legal CSR might lead to reactive strategies of business toward human rights. Meanwhile, the economic incentives behind the notion of instrumental CSR could result in partial proactive engagement of corporations in human rights. Finally, the internal motives as profit and power besides the external duties might lead to the highest level of proactivity of corporations in human rights under the context of political CSR. The model developed offers a map for business to adopt proactive human rights strategies more systematically maintaining key profit-drivers like power and profit. In sum, instrumental and political categories of CSR might lead corporations to improve the conditions of human rights proactively.

Keywords: CSR, human rights, proactive approach, reactive approach

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Authors: Luljeta Plakolli-Kasumi

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In the digital age, the relationship between traditional property rights and online intellectual property rights is becoming increasingly complex. On the one hand, the internet and advancements in technology have allowed for the widespread distribution and use of digital content, making it easier for individuals and businesses to access and share information. On the other hand, the rise of digital piracy and illegal file-sharing has led to increased concerns about the protection of intellectual property rights. This paper aims to examine the relationship between traditional property rights and online intellectual property rights in the digital age by analyzing the current legal frameworks, key challenges and controversies that arise, and potential solutions for addressing these issues. The paper will look at how traditional property rights concepts such as ownership and possession are being applied in the online context and how they intersect with new and evolving forms of intellectual property such as digital downloads, streaming services, and online content creation. It will also discuss the tension between the need for strong intellectual property protection to encourage creativity and innovation and the public interest in promoting access to information and knowledge. Ultimately, the paper will explore how the legal system can adapt to better balance the interests of property owners, creators, and users in the digital age.

Keywords: intellectual property, traditional property, digital age, digital content

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Authors: Angela Nkiru Nwammuo

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This paper evaluates the influence of selected Nigerian gender-based Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) in embodying feminism within digital spaces.. The study will focus on notable organizations that make use of online platforms for sensitization, advocacy, education and mobilization of women and stakeholders against gender-based violence in tertiary institutions.. The strategies they adopt in carrying out these functions, and the nature of their influence will be analyzed. Through the adoption of in-depth interview as a tool for data collection, leaders of the selected NGOs will be studied. Also Gender Studies Directors in Nigerian tertiary institutions the NGOs included in their advocacy will be interviewed to ascertain if there are noticeable results. By investigating the use of technology by the NGOs in feminism activism, this study, will underscore the importance of digital spaces in amplifying women’s voices and in advancing feminist ideologies in Nigeria and Africa, as a whole. The findings will highlight how gender-based NGOs in Africa shape, and reshape perceptions of gender equality and women’s rights throughout the continent.

Keywords: embodied feminism, digital spaces, nigerian women, gender-based NGOs, feminism activism

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Authors: Ayyoub Jamali, Alena Kozlova

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The Russian invasion of Ukraine has tested the mettle of the international community, prompting not only States but also non-state actors to take deterrent action in response. Indeed, international sports organisations, namely FIFA and UEFA, have been rather successful in shifting the power dynamics by introducing a complete ban on the Russian national and club teams. This article aims to inquire into the human rights implications of such actions taken by international sports organisations. First, the article departs from an assessment of the legal status of FIFA and UEFA under international law and reflects on how a legal link could be established vis-à-vis their human rights obligations. Second, it examines the human rights aspects of the impugned measures by FIFA and UEFA on the part of the Russian athletes, further scrutinising them against the international human rights law principle of non-discrimination through a proportionality test. Last, it draws basic pathways for how possible human rights violations committed in the context of measures adopted by such organisations could be remedied, outlining the challenges of arbitration and litigation in Switzerland.

Keywords: FIFA, UEFA, FUR, ban, human rights, Russia, Ukraine, non-state actors

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Authors: Forbah Julius Ajamah

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The protection of human rights and respect of the rule of law in Sub-Saharan African is a constant challenge due to ongoing and protracted conflict situations, political instability, shrinking democratic space and allegations of large-scale corruption in some countries. Conflict and/or crisis is most often resulting from constant violations of individual rights, with the risk increasing when many human rights are violated in a systematic or widespread fashion. Violations related to economic, social and cultural rights at times are as significant as violations of civil and political rights. Cameroon a country in Sub-Saharan African, for many years now has been confronted by numerous crises across different regions. Despite measures carried out, it has been reported that lesser and lesser attention has been placed on various conflict/crisis across Cameroon. To reach a common understanding of how both the economic, social and cultural rights has been violated and related impact on the quality of life, this paper evaluates justice, security and human rights violations in the present crisis situations. Without the prevention of human rights violations, wider conflict and/or crisis, will continue to have a negative impact in the lives of the inhabitants. This paper aims at providing evidence to support the fact that effective prevention requires early identification of risks that could allow for preventive and/or mitigatory measures to be designed and implemented.

Keywords: justice, security, human rights abuses, conflicts, crisis

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Authors: Mohana Basu, Snehamanju Basu

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Urbanization has an immense impact on the holistic development of a region. In that same context, the level of women empowerment plays a significant role in the development of any region, particularly a region belonging to a developing country. The present study investigates the status of women empowerment in the Asansol Durgapur Planning Area of the state of West Bengal, India by investigating the status of women and their access to various facilities and awareness about the various governmental and non-governmental schemes meant for their elevation. Through this study, an attempt has been to made to understand the perception of the respondents on the context of women's empowerment. The study integrates multiple sources of qualitative and quantitative data collected from various reports, field-based measurements, questionnaire survey and community based participatory appraisals. Results reveal that women of the rural parts of the region are relatively disempowered due to the various restrictions imposed on them and enjoy lower socioeconomic clout than their male counterparts in spite of the several remedial efforts taken by the government and NGOs to elevate their position in the society. A considerable gender gap still exists regarding access to education, employment and decision-making power in the family and significant differences in attitude towards women are observable in the rural and urban areas. Freedom of women primarily vary according to their age group, educational level, employment and income status and also on the degree of urbanization. Asansol Durgapur Planning Area is primarily an industrial region where huge employment generation scope exists. But these disparities are quite alarming and indicate that economic development does not always usher in socially justifiable rights and access to resources for both men and women alike in its awake. In this backdrop, this study will attempt to forward relevant suggestions which can be followed for betterment of the status of women.

Keywords: development, disempowered, economic development, urbanization, women empowerment

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Authors: Konstantine Eristavi

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The paper will contribute to the discussion on the pitfalls, limits, and possibilities of legal and rights discourse in opposing large infrastructural projects in the context of neoliberal globalisation. To this end, the paper will analyse the struggle against the Namakhvani HPP project in Georgia. The latter has been hailed by the government as one of the largest energy projects in the history of the country, with an enormous potential impact on energy security, energy independence, economic growth, and development. This takes place against the backdrop of decades of market-led -or neoliberal- model of development in Georgia, characterised by structural adjustments, deregulation, privatisation, and Laissez-Fair approach to foreign investment. In this context, the Georgian state vies with other low and middle-income countries for foreign capital by offering to potential investors, on the one hand, exemptions from social and environmental regulations and, on the other hand, huge legal concessions and safeguards, thereby participating in what is often called a “race to the bottom.” The Namakhvani project is a good example of this. At every stage, the project has been marred with violations of laws and regulations concerning transparency, participation, social and environmental regulations, and so on. Moreover, the leaked contract between the state and the developer reveals the contractual safeguards which effectively insulate the investment throughout the duration of the contract from the changes in the national law that might adversely affect investors’ rights and returns. These clauses, aimed at preserving investors' economic position, place the contract above national law in many respects and even conflict with fundamental constitutional rights. In response to the perceived deficiencies of the project, one of the largest and most diverse social movements in the history of post-soviet Georgia has been assembled, consisting of the local population, conservative and leftist groups, human rights and environmental NGOs, etc. Crucially, the resistance movement is actively using legal tools. In order to analyse both the limitations and possibilities of legal discourse, the paper will distinguish between internal and immanent critiques. Law as internal critique, in the context of the struggles around the Namakhvani project, while potentially fruitful in hindering the project, risks neglecting and reproducing those factors -e.g., the particular model of development- that made such contractual concessions and safeguards and concomitant rights violations possible in the first place. On the other hand, the use of rights and law as part of immanent critique articulates a certain incapacity on the part of the addressee government to uphold existing laws and rights due to structural factors, hence, pointing to a need for a fundamental change. This 'ruptural' form of legal discourse that the movement employs makes it possible to go beyond the discussion around the breaches of law and enables a critical deliberation on the development model within which these violations and extraordinary contractual safeguards become necessary. It will be argued that it is this form of immanent critique that expresses the emancipatory potential of legal discourse.

Keywords: law, resistance, development, rights

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Authors: Rokeshia Renné Ashley

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The purpose of this study is to understand the perception of historical figure Saartjie 'Sara/Sarah' Baartman from a cross cultural perspective of black women in the United States and black women in South Africa. Semi-structured interviews (n = 30) uncover that many women in both countries did not have an accurate representation, recollection, or have been exposed to the story of Baartman. Nonetheless, those who were familiar with Baartman’s story, those participants compared her to modern examples of black women who are showcased in a contemporary familiarity. The women are described by participants as women who reveal their bodies in a sexualized manner and have the curves that are similar to Baartman’s historic figure. This comparison emphasized a connection to popular images of black women who represent the curvaceous ideal. Findings contribute to social comparison theory by providing a lens for examining black women’s body image.

Keywords: black women, body modification, media, South Africa

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Authors: Selvia Arokiya Mary

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Introduction: Worldwide, breast cancer comprises 10.4% of all cancer incidence among women. In 2004, breast cancer caused 519,000 deaths worldwide (7% of cancer deaths; almost 1% of all deaths). Many women who undergo breast surgery suffer from ill-defined pain syndromes. STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM: A study to assess the effectiveness of twin therapeutic approaches on certain bio-physiological parameters in breast cancer patients after breast surgery at selected hospital, Chennai. Objectives: This study is to 1. assess the level of certain biophysiological parameters in women after mastectomy. 2. assess the effectiveness of twin therapeutic approaches on certain biophysiological parameters in women after mastectomy. 3. correlate the practice of twin therapeutic approaches with certain biophysiological parameters. 4. associate the selected demographic variables with certain biophysiological parameters in women after mastectomy Research Design and Method: Pre experimental research design was used. Fifty women were selected by using convenient sampling technique at government general hospital, Chennai. Results: The Level of pain shows, in the study group 49(98%) of them had moderate in the pre test and after the intervention all of them had mild pain in the post test. In relation to level of shoulder function before the intervention shows that in the study group 49(98%) of them had movement towards gravity and after intervention 24 (48%) of them had movement against gravity maximum resistance. There was a significant reduction in pain and shoulder stiffness level at a ‘P’ level of < 0.001. There was a negative correlation between the pranayama practice and the level of pain, there was a positive correlation between the arm exercise practice and the level of shoulder function. There was no significant association between demographic and clinical variables with the level of pain and shoulder function in the study. Hypothesis: There is a significant difference in level of pain and shoulder function among women following breast surgery who receive pranayama & arm exercise programme. The pranayama had effect in terms of reduction of pain, arm exercise programme had effect in prevention of arm stiffness among post operative women following breast surgery. Thus the stated hypothesis was accepted. Conclusion: On the basis of the findings of the present study there was Advancing age related to increasing risk of breast cancer, level of pain also the type of surgery was associated with level of pain and shoulder function, There fore it is to be concluded that the study participants may get benefited by practice of pranayama and arm exercise program.

Keywords: biophysiological parameters breast surgery, lumpectomy , mastectomy, radical mastectomy, twin therapeutic approach, pranayama, arm exercise

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Authors: Yin Cheung Lam

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In 1949, the ratification of the Geneva Conventions heralded the international community’s adoption of a new universal and non-discriminatory approach to human rights in situations of conflict. However, with the proliferation of international terrorism after the 9/11 attacks on the United States (U.S.), the international community’s uneven and contradictory implementations of international humanitarian law (IHL) questioned its agenda of universal human rights. Specifically, the derogation from IHL has never been so pronounced in the U.S. led ‘War on Terror’. While an extensive literature has ‘assessed the impact’ of the implementation of the Geneva Conventions, limited attention has been paid to interrogating the ways in which the Geneva Conventions and its resulting implementation have functioned to discursively reproduce certain understandings of human rights between states and non-state actors. Through a discursive analysis of the Geneva Conventions and the conceptualization of human rights in relation to terrorism, this thesis problematises the way in which the U.S. has understood and reproduced understandings of human rights. Using the U.S. ‘War on Terror’ as an example, it seeks to extend previous analyses of the U.S.’ practice of IHL through a qualitative discursive analysis of the human rights content that appears in the Geneva Conventions in addition to the speeches and policy documents on the ‘War on Terror’.

Keywords: discursive analysis, human rights, non-state actors, war on terror

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Authors: Jummai Aliyu Mohammed

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The Sapir-Whorfian hypothesis postulates that the structure of a language determines the way in which species of that language view the world. It also states that the culture of a people finds reflection in their language. Consequently language becomes a vehicle of thought; a channel through which negative stereotypes of women is created and also one through which such images are dispelled. Women are generally portrayed as weaker vessels and inferior to men; a position which draws a counter reaction from women through their writings. In their writings, they attempt to reinvent womanhood and liberate the woman from the hitherto negative light they were portrayed. This position best describes the term feminism which argues that women be given equal rights in all spheres of life as men. This paper attempts to evaluate Ba’s ‘So Long a Letter’ and Alkali’s ‘The Stillborn’ with the view to identify the relationship between language and feminism. In evaluating this relationship, the paper concludes that there are several factors responsible for the variation in the speech pattern of male and female. All of these factors favour the male gender and further condemns the woman to oppression. Although the writers come from two different cultural backgrounds, the works amplify feminism and captured them as apostles of feminism.

Keywords: feminism, language, politics, Sapir-Whorfian hypothesis

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