Search results for: remote sensing.

Authors: Roven Tumaneng, Angelica Kristina Monzon, Ralph Sedricke Lapuz, Jose Don De Alban, Jennica Paula Masigan, Joanne Rae Pales, Laila Monera Pornel, Dennis Tablazon, Rizza Karen Veridiano, Jackie Lou Wenceslao, Edmund Leo Rico, Neil Aldrin Mallari

Abstract:

Most protected area management plans in the Philippines, particularly the smaller and more remote islands suffer from insufficient baseline data, which should provide the bases for formulating measureable conservation targets and appropriate management interventions for these protected areas. Attempts to synthesize available data particularly on cultural and socio-economic characteristic of local peoples within and outside protected areas also suffer from the lack of comprehensive and detailed inventories, which should be considered in designing adaptive management interventions to be used for those protected areas. Mt Guiting-guiting Natural Park (MGGNP) located in Sibuyan Island is one of the poorly studied protected areas in the Philippines. In this study, we determined the highly biologically important areas of the protected area using Maximum Entropy approach (MaxEnt) from environmental predictors (i.e., topographic, bioclimatic,land cover, and soil image layers) derived from global remotely sensed data and point occurrence data of species of birds and trees recorded during field surveys on the island. A total of 23 trigger species of birds and trees was modeled and stacked to generate species richness maps for biological high conservation value areas (HCVAs). Forest habitat change was delineated using dual-polarised L-band ALOS-PALSAR mosaic data at 25 meter spatial resolution, taken at two acquisition years 2007 and 2009 to provide information on forest cover ad habitat change in the island between year 2007 and 2009. Determining the livelihood guilds were also conducted using the data gathered from171 household interviews, from which demographic and livelihood variables were extracted (i.e., age, gender, number of household members, educational attainment, years of residency, distance from forest edge, main occupation, alternative sources of food and resources during scarcity months, and sources of these alternative resources).Using Principal Component Analysis (PCA) and Kruskal-Wallis test, the diversity and patterns of forest resource use by people in the island were determined with particular focus on the economic activities that directly and indirectly affect the population of key species as well as to identify levels of forest resource use by people in different areas of the park.Results showed that there are gaps in the area occupied by the natural park, as evidenced by the mismatch of the proposed HCVAs and the existing perimeters of the park. We found out that subsistence forest gathering was the possible main driver for forest degradation out of the eight livelihood guilds that were identified in the park. Determining the high conservation areas and identifyingthe anthropogenic factors that influence the species richness and abundance of key species in the different management zone of MGGNP would provide guidance for the design of a protected area management plan and future monitoring programs. However, through intensive communication and consultation with government stakeholders and local communities our results led to setting conservation targets in local development plans and serve as a basis for the reposition of the boundaries and reconfiguration of the management zones of MGGNP.

Keywords: conservation gaps, livelihood guilds, MaxEnt, protected area

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Authors: Marcela Davalos Lopez

Abstract:

The history of the circulation of hygienic knowledge and the consolidation of public health in Latin American cities towards the end of the 19th century is well known. Among them, Mexico City was inserted in international politics, strengthened institutions, medical knowledge, applied parameters of modernity and built sanitary engineering works. Despite the power that this hygienist system achieved, its scope was relative: it cannot be generalized to all cities. From a comparative and contextual analysis, it will be shown that conclusions derived from modern urban historiography present, from our contemporary observations, fractures. Between 1890 and 1930, the small cities and areas surrounding the Mexican capital adapted in their own way the international and federal public health regulations. This will be shown for neighborhoods located around Mexico City and in a medium city, close to the Mexican capital (about 80 km), called Cuernavaca. While the inhabitants of the neighborhoods kept awaiting the evolutionary process and the forms that public hygiene policies were taking (because they were witnesses and affected in their territories), in Cuernavaca, the dictates came as an echo. While the capital was drained, large roads were opened, roundabouts were erected, residents were expelled, and drains, sewers, drinking water pipes, etc., were built; Cuernavaca was sheltered in other times and practices. What was this due to? Undoubtedly, the time and energy that it took politicians and the group of "scientists" to carry out these enormous works in the Mexican capital took them away from addressing the issue in remote villages. It was not until the 20th century that the federal hygiene policy began to be strengthened. Despite this, there are other factors that emphasize the particularities of each site. I would like to draw attention here to the different receptions that each town prepared on public hygiene. We will see that Cuernavaca responded to its own semi-rural culture, history, orography and functions, prolonging for much longer, for example, the use of its deep ravines as sewers. For their part, the neighborhoods surrounding the capital, although affected and excluded from hygienist policies, chose to move away from them and solve the deficiencies with their own resources (they resorted to the waste that was left from the dried lake of Mexico to continue their lake practices). All of this points to a paradox that shapes our contemporary concerns: on the one hand, the benefits derived from medical knowledge and its technological applications (in this work referring particularly to the urban health system) and, on the other, the alteration it caused in environmental settings. Places like Cuernavaca (classified by the nineteenth-century and hygienists of the first decades of the twentieth century as backward), as well as landscapes such as neighborhoods, affected by advances in sanitary engineering, keep in their memory buried practices that we observe today as possible ways to reestablish environmental balances: alternative uses of water; recycling of organic materials; local uses of fauna; various systems for breaking down excreta, and so on. In sum, what the nineteenth and first half of the twentieth centuries graduated as levels of backwardness or progress, turn out to be key information to rethink the routes of environmental conservation. When we return to the observations of the scientists, politicians and lawyers of that period, we find historically rejected cultural alterity. Populations such as Cuernavaca that, due to their history, orography and/or insufficiency of federal policies, kept different relationships with the environment, today give us clues to reorient basic elements of cities: alternative uses of water, waste of raw materials, organic or consumption of local products, among others. It is, therefore, a matter of unearthing the rejected that cries out to emerge to the surface.

Keywords: sanitary hygiene, Mexico city, cultural alterity, environmental conservation, environmental history

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Authors: Fani Sakellariadou

Abstract:

The Blue Economy includes all marine-based and marine-related activities. They correspond to established, emerging as well as unborn ocean-based industries. Seabed mining is an emerging marine-based activity; its operations depend particularly on cutting-edge science and technology. The 21st century will face a crisis in resources as a consequence of the world’s population growth and the rising standard of living. The natural capital stored in the global ocean is decisive for it to provide a wide range of sustainable ecosystem services. Seabed mineral deposits were identified as having a high potential for critical elements and base metals. They have a crucial role in the fast evolution of green technologies. The major categories of marine mineral deposits are deep-sea deposits, including cobalt-rich ferromanganese crusts, polymetallic nodules, phosphorites, and deep-sea muds, as well as shallow-water deposits including marine placers. Seabed mining operations may take place within continental shelf areas of nation-states. In international waters, the International Seabed Authority (ISA) has entered into 15-year contracts for deep-seabed exploration with 21 contractors. These contracts are for polymetallic nodules (18 contracts), polymetallic sulfides (7 contracts), and cobalt-rich ferromanganese crusts (5 contracts). Exploration areas are located in the Clarion-Clipperton Zone, the Indian Ocean, the Mid Atlantic Ridge, the South Atlantic Ocean, and the Pacific Ocean. Potential environmental impacts of deep-sea mining include habitat alteration, sediment disturbance, plume discharge, toxic compounds release, light and noise generation, and air emissions. They could cause burial and smothering of benthic species, health problems for marine species, biodiversity loss, reduced photosynthetic mechanism, behavior change and masking acoustic communication for mammals and fish, heavy metals bioaccumulation up the food web, decrease of the content of dissolved oxygen, and climate change. An important concern related to deep-sea mining is our knowledge gap regarding deep-sea bio-communities. The ecological consequences that will be caused in the remote, unique, fragile, and little-understood deep-sea ecosystems and inhabitants are still largely unknown. The blue economy conceptualizes oceans as developing spaces supplying socio-economic benefits for current and future generations but also protecting, supporting, and restoring biodiversity and ecological productivity. In that sense, people should apply holistic management and make an assessment of marine mining impacts on ecosystem services, including the categories of provisioning, regulating, supporting, and cultural services. The variety in environmental parameters, the range in sea depth, the diversity in the characteristics of marine species, and the possible proximity to other existing maritime industries cause a span of marine mining impact the ability of ecosystems to support people and nature. In conclusion, the use of the untapped potential of the global ocean demands a liable and sustainable attitude. Moreover, there is a need to change our lifestyle and move beyond the philosophy of single-use. Living in a throw-away society based on a linear approach to resource consumption, humans are putting too much pressure on the natural environment. Applying modern, sustainable and eco-friendly approaches according to the principle of circular economy, a substantial amount of natural resource savings will be achieved. Acknowledgement: This work is part of the MAREE project, financially supported by the Division VI of IUPAC. This work has been partly supported by the University of Piraeus Research Center.

Keywords: blue economy, deep-sea mining, ecosystem services, environmental impacts

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