Search results for: capitalist patriarchy

Authors: Angkayarkan Vinayakaselvi

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This paper aims at unpacking the questions of subjectivity and their role in altering and redefining the constructed images of self and community as represented in chosen Indian women’s autobiographies. India is a country of plurality and this plurality is further extended by diasporic explorations. As the third world feminism questioned the Euro-American views on homogenizing the socio-cultural condition of women of all over the world, Indian feminism needs to critique the view that all Indian women are one and the same. Similar to the plural nature of nation, the nature and condition of women, too, are plural in India. Indian women are differentiated by caste, class, and region. A critical scrutiny of autobiographies written by Indian women belong to different socio-cultural groups – Northeast Indian, Dalit and Diasporic categories – will assess the impact of education, profession and socio-cultural and economic status on Indian Women. Such a critique would highlight the heterogeneous subjectivity of Indian women. The images/selves of women as represented through these autobiographies are chosen with an aim to unmask and challenge, through ordering and positioning, the capitalist politics of literary representations of Indian women’s formation of 'her-self'. Methodologies and subjects associated with literature are considered essential for understanding and combating women’s oppression and empowerment. The representation of self in personal autobiographical history could be treated as the history of entire nation as personal is always political in feminist writings. The chosen narrators who are well-educated, well-settled, professional women of letters are capable of assessing, critiquing and re/articulating the shifting paradigms of women’s lives. Despite these factors, the textual spaces possess evidences to establish the facts that these women undergo sufferings, and they counter design cultural specific strategies for their empowerment. These metafictional self-conscious synecdoches extend to include the world of entire women. Thus these autobiographical texts could be reinterpreted as a searing critique of Indian society based on woman’s personal life.

Keywords: ethnicity and diversity, gender studies, Indian women’s autobiographies, subjectivity

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Authors: Suddhasil Siddhanta, Debasish Nandy

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Child sex ratios pattern in the Asian Population is highly masculine mainly due to birth masculinity and gender bias in child mortality. The vast and the growing literature of female deficit in world population points out the diffusion of child sex ratio pattern in many Asian as well as neighboring European countries. However, little attention has been given to understand the common factors in different demographics in explaining child sex ratio pattern. Such a scholarship is extremely important as level of gender inequity is different in different country set up. Our paper tries to explain the major structural commonalities in the child masculinity pattern in two demographic billionaires - India and China. The analysis reveals that apart from geographical diffusion of sex selection technology, patrilocal social structure, as proxied by households with more than one generation in China and proportion of population aged 65 years and above in India, can explain significant variation of missing girl child in these two countries. Even after controlling for individual capacity building factors like educational attainment, or work force participation, the measure of social stratification is coming out to be the major determinant of child sex ratio variation. Other socio economic factors that perform much well are the agency building factors of the females, like changing pattern of marriage customs which is proxied by divorce and remarriage ratio for china and percentage of female marrying at or after the age of 20 years in India and the female workforce participation. Proportion of minorities in socio-religious composition of the population and gender bias in scholastic attainment in both these counties are also found to be significant in modeling child sex ratio variations. All these significant common factors associated with child sex ratio point toward the one single most important factor: the historical evolution of patriarchy and its contemporary perpetuation in both the countries. It seems that prohibition of sex selection might not be sufficient to combat the peculiar skewness of excessive maleness in child population in both these countries. Demand sided policies is therefore utmost important to root out the gender bias in child sex ratios.

Keywords: child sex ratios, gender bias, structural factors, prosperity, patrilocality

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Authors: Goodness Thandi Ntuli

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As one of the sub-Saharan African countries, South Africa has a majority of women living at the receiving end of all ferocious atrocities, afflictions and social ills such as utter poverty, unemployment, morbidity, sexual exploitation and abuse, gender-based and domestic violence. The response to these social ills that permeate the South African context like wildfire requires postcolonial feminism as a lens which needs to directly address this particular context. In the empirical study that was conducted among the Zulu people about Zulu young women in the South African context, it was found that a postcolonial young woman has a lot of social challenges that militate against her. In her struggle to liberate herself, there are layers of oppression that she has to deal with before attaining emancipation of any kind. These layers of oppression emanate from postcolonial effects on cultural norms that come with patriarchal issues, racial issues as the woman of colour and socio-economic issues as the poverty-stricken marginalised woman. Such layers also render marginalized women voiceless on many occasions, and hence the kind of feminism that needs to be applied in this context has to give them a voice, worth and human dignity that they deserve. From the postcolonial feminist perspective, this paper examines the condition of women from the margins and seeks the ways in which the layers of oppression could be disengaged. In the process of the severed layers of oppression, these women can be uplifted to becoming the women of worth, restored to life-giving dignity from the inferiority complex of racial discrimination and liberation from all forms of patriarchy and its upshots that keep them bound by gender inequality. This requires, in particular, postcolonial feminism that would find profound ways of reaching into the deep-seated socialization and internalization of every kind of prejudice against women. It is the kind of feminism that questions the status core even among those who consider themselves feminists. With the ruination of all postcolonial layers of oppression, women in the margins could find real emancipation that they have always longed for through feminism that will take into consideration their context. This calls for the rethinking of feminism in different contexts because the conditions of the oppressed woman of the South cannot be the same as the conditions of the woman who considers herself oppressed in the North.

Keywords: exploration, feminism, postcolonial, margins, South African, women

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Authors: Dalia Bhattacharjee

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Motherhood as an institution is considered as sacred. Reproduction and motherhood have always been a concern of the private space of home. However, with the emergence of technologies like the Assisted Reproductive Technologies (ARTs), this intimate area has moved into the public. A woman can now become a mother with artificial insemination done by expert medical professionals in a hospital. With this development, the meanings of motherhood and childrearing have altered. Mothers have been divided into ‘ovarian mothers’ (those who provide the eggs), ‘uterine mothers’ (those who carry out the pregnancy and give birth), and ‘social mothers’ (those who raise the child). Thus, the ART business deconstructs motherhood by defining who the biological mother is and who the social mother is and who – despite contributing parts or processes of her body to the life of the child is not a mother, but merely the donor of a product, be it the egg or the womb, which is owned by those who are favoured by the contract. The industry of commercial surrogacy in India has been estimated to be of $2.3 billion as of 2012. There are many women who work as surrogate mothers in this industry for the exchange of money. It runs like a full-fledged business guided by a highly profit oriented capitalist market. The reproductive labourers are identified as mere womb renters or victims and not as active agents in such arrangements. Such a discourse undercuts the agency exercised by the women. The present study is an ethnography into the commercial surrogacy industry in India. This journey furthers the understanding of the dilemmas faced by the reproductive labourers. The paper emphasizes on the experiences of reproduction and motherhood outside the private space of the home in the commercial surrogacy industry in India, and, argues that this multiplicity of experiences need much focus and attention, where, the consumer becomes ‘the’ citizen and the women workers continue to be victims. The study draws on the narratives of the reproductive labourers, who remain at the center, and yet, at the periphery of such arrangements. This feminist ethnography is informed by the feminist standpoint theory to account for and analyse these varied experiences which further the understanding of the dilemmas faced by the reproductive labourers.

Keywords: commercial surrogacy, ethnography, motherhood, standpoint theory

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Authors: Siwach Sripokangkul, Autthapon Muangming

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The Dao Din group is a gathering of students from the Faculty of Law, Khon Kaen University, a leading university in the northeast of Thailand. The Dao Din group has been one of the most prominent student movements in the past four decades since the bloody massacre of the 6th of October 1976. The group of student is a movement who gather to oppose and protest against different capitalist-run projects that have impacted upon the environment since 2009. The students have become heroes in Thai society and receive support from various groups, especially the middle class who regard the students as role models for the youth. Subsequently, the Dao Din group has received numerous awards between 2011-2013. However, the Dao Din group opposed the military coup d’état of 2014 and the subsequent military junta. Under the military dictatorship regime (2014-present), security officials have hunted, insulted, arrested, and jailed members of the group many times amidst silence from most of the from the middle class. Therefore, this article posits the question of why the Dao Din group which was once the hero and hope of Thai society, has become a political victim in only a few years. The study methods used are the analysis of documentaries, news articles, and interviews with representatives of the Dao Din group. The author argues that Thailand’s middle class previously demonstrated a positive perception of the Dao Din group precisely because that group had earlier opposed policies of the elected Yingluck Shinawatra government, which most of the middle class already despised. However, once the Dao Din group began to protest against the anti-Yingluck military government, then the middle class turned to harshly criticize the Dao Din group. So it can be concluded that the Thai middle class tends to put its partisan interests ahead of a civil society group which has been critical of elected as well as military administrations. This has led the middle class to support the demolishing of Thai democracy. Such a Thai middle-class characteristic not only poses a strong bulwark for the perpetuation of military rule but also destroys a civil society group (composed of young people) who should be the future hope of the nation rather than under the Thai society of darkness.

Keywords: Dao Din student activists, the military coup d’état of 2014, Thai politics, human rights violations

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Authors: Tonghua Li

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Under the neoliberal corporate food regime, biofuels are a double-edged sword that exacerbates tensions between national food security and trade in green agricultural products. Biofuels have the potential to help achieve green sustainable development goals, but they threaten food security by exacerbating competition for land and changing global food trade patterns. The U.S.-China trade war complicates this debate. Under the influence of different political and corporate coordination mechanisms in China and the US, trade disputes can have different impacts on sustainable agricultural practices. This paper develops an actor-centred ‘network governance framework’ focusing on trade in soybean and corn-based biofuels to explain how trade wars can change the actions of governmental and non-governmental actors in the context of oligopolistic competition and market concentration in agricultural trade. There is evidence that the US-China trade decoupling exacerbates the conflict between national security, free trade in agriculture, and the realities and needs of green and sustainable energy development. The US government's trade policies reflect concerns about China's relative gains, leading to a loss of trade profits, making it impossible for the parties involved to find a balance between the three objectives and, consequently, to get into a biofuels and soybean industry dilemma. Within the setting of prioritizing national security and strategic interests, the government has replaced the dominant position of large agribusiness in the neoliberal food system, and the goal of environmental sustainability has been marginalized by high politics. In contrast, China faces tensions in the trade war between food security self-sufficiency policy and liberal sustainable trade, but the state-capitalist model ensures policy coordination and coherence in trade diversion and supply chain adjustment. Despite ongoing raw material shortages and technological challenges, China remains committed to playing a role in global environmental governance and promoting green trade objectives.

Keywords: food security, green trade, biofuels, soybeans, US-China trade war

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Authors: Rajeshwari Balasubramanian, Margit Van Wessel, Nandini Deo

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The participation of women in local bodies witnessed a rise after the implementation of 73rd and 74th Amendments to the Indian Constitution which created quotas for women representatives. However, even when participation increased, it did not translate into meaningful contributions by women in local bodies. This led some civil society organisations (CSOs) to begin working with women panchayat representatives in various states to build their capacity for political participation. The focus of this paper is to study capacity building training by CSOs in Jharkhand. The paper maps how the training helps women elected representatives to negotiate their autonomy at multiple levels. The paper describes the capacity building program conducted by an international feminist organisation along with its seven local partners in Jharkhand. The central question that the study asks is: How does capacity building training by CSOs in Jharkhand impact the autonomy of elected women representatives? It uses a qualitative research methodology based on empirical data gathered through field visits in four districts of Jharkhand (Chatra, Hazaribagh, East Singhbum and Ranchi) where the program was implemented for three years. The study found that women elected representatives had to develop strategies to negotiate their choice to move out of their homes and attend the training conducted by CSOs. The ability to participate in the training programs itself was a significant achievement of personal autonomy for many women. The training provided them a platform to voice their opinion and appreciate their own value as panchayat leaders. This realization allowed them to negotiate their presence and a space for themselves in Gram panchayats. A Foucauldian approach to analyze capacity building workshops might lead us to see them as systems in which CSOs impose a form of governmentality on rural elected representatives. Instead, what we see here is a much more complex negotiation of agency in which the CSO creates spaces and practices that allow women to achieve their own forms of autonomy. The study concludes that the impact of the training on the autonomy of these women is based on their everyday negotiations of time, space and mobility. Autonomy for these elected women representatives is also contextual and relative, as they seem to realize it during the training process. The training allows the women to not only negotiate their participation in panchayats but also challenge everyday practices that are rooted in patriarchy.

Keywords: autonomy, feminist organization, local bodies, political participation

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Authors: Rajendra Chetty

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Decolonial aesthetics departs and delinks from colonial ideas about ‘the arts’ and the modernist/colonial work of aesthetics. Education is trapped in the western epistemic and hermeneutical vocabulary, hence it is necessary to introduce new concepts and work the entanglement between co-existing concepts. This paper will discuss the contribution of Ronnie Govender, a South African writer, to build decolonial sensibilities and delink from the grand narrative of the colonial and apartheid literary landscape in Govender’s text, At the Edge and other Cato Manor Stories. Govender uses the world of art to make a decolonial statement. Decolonial artists have to work in the entanglement of power and engage with a border epistemology. Govender’s writings depart from an embodied consciousness of the colonial wound and moves toward healing. Border thinking and doing (artistic creativity) is precisely the decolonial methodology posited by Linda T. Smith, where theory comes in the form of storytelling. Govender’s stories engage with the wounds infringed by racism and patriarchy, two pillars of eurocentric knowing, sensing, and believing that sustain a structure of knowledge. This structure is embedded in characters, institutions, languages that regulate and mange the world of the excluded. Healing is the process of delinking, or regaining pride, dignity, and humanity, not through the psychoanalytic cure, but the popular healer. The legacies of the community of Cato Manor that was pushed out of their land are built in his stories. Decoloniality then is a concept that carries the experience of liberation struggles and recognizes the strenuous conditions of marginalized people together with their strength, wisdom, and endurance. Govender’s unique performative prose reconstructs and resurrects the lives of the people of Cato Manor, their vitality and humor, pain and humiliation: a vibrant and racially integrated community destroyed by the regime’s notorious racial laws. The paper notes that Govender’s objective with his plays and stories was to open windows to both the pain and joy of life; a mission that is not didactic but to shine a torch on both mankind’s waywardness as well as its inspiring and often moving achievements against huge odds.

Keywords: Govender, decoloniality, delinking, exclusion, racism, Cato Manor

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Authors: Diptimayee Nayak, V. Upadhyay

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This paper posits the attempt of conservation and the idea of protected areas from the Marxian primitive accumulation to the politics of sustainability. Using field survey data and secondary literature, this paper analyses an Indian wildlife sanctuary, the Bhitarkanika, Odisha and finds how the hegemony of power among different management regimes attempted for conservation and the present protected area management regime attempted to imbibe the policy of ecotourism for achieving sustainability. The paper contends that the current policy of ecotourism in protected areas acts as a veil for the local deprived people, to avoid many legal conflicts like property rights, livelihood, and man-wildlife issues. Moreover, opening the scope to accumulate on the part of tour operators, the policy of ecotourism establishes a nexus between the profit holders/tour operators (the capitalists) and the power hegemony on the part of management authorities. The sustainability attempt of ecotourism may lead to private benefits maximising the profit accumulation and can expand and continue, showing the bulk of employment generation of local people at petty odd jobs, grabbing a lion share! Positing ecotourism as a capitalist project as against the general assumption of one of the drivers of sustainable development, the paper shows that ecotourism in practice may end up ruining the very social-environmental set up, leading to unsustainability related to waste management, equality, culture, relationship and above all polarised private accumulators in absence of sound mechanism. The paper ends with the caveat that while shopping for neoliberal conservation, the conservators found ecotourism as a product without finalising the hallmark of mechanism/ institutions with appropriate modus operandii to check/guard the quality assurance/standard of ecotourism for sustainability. The paper proposes sound structural and institutional mechanism of ecotourism to be developed to harness sustainability in the local economy as well as in conservation.

Keywords: conservation, ecotourism, Marxian capitalism, protected areas, sustainability

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Authors: Ben Main Piotr Ozieranski

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State government spending on pharmaceuticals stands at 1 trillion USD globally, promoting criticism of the pharmaceutical industry's monetization of drug efficacy, product cost overvaluation, and health injustice. This paper elucidates the mechanisms behind a state-institutional response to this problem through the sociological lens of the strategic relational approach to state power. To do so, 30 expert interviews, legal and policy documents are drawn on to explain how state elites in New Zealand have successfully contested a 30-year “pharmaceutical spending containment policy”. Proceeding from Jessop's notion of strategic “selectivity”, encompassing analyses of the enabling features of state actors' ability to harness state structures, a theoretical explanation is advanced. First, a strategic context is described that consists of dynamics around pharmaceutical dealmaking between the state bureaucracy, pharmaceutical pricing strategies (and their effects), and the industry. Centrally, the pricing strategy of "bundling" -deals for packages of drugs that combine older and newer patented products- reflect how state managers have instigated an “incentivization game” that is played by state and industry actors, including HTA professionals, over pharmaceutical products (both current and in development). Second, a protective context is described that is comprised of successive legislative-judicial responses to the strategic context and characterized by the regulation and the societalisation of commercial law. Third, within the policy, the achievement of increased pharmaceutical coverage (pharmaceutical “mix”) alongside contained spending is conceptualized as a state defence of a "social profit". As such, in contrast to scholarly expectations that political and economic cultures of neo-liberalism drive pharmaceutical policy-making processes, New Zealand's state elites' approach is shown to be antipathetic to neo-liberals within an overall capitalist economy. The paper contributes an analysis of state pricing strategies and how they are embedded in state regulatory structures. Additionally, through an analysis of the interconnections of state power and pharmaceutical value Abrahams's neo-liberal corporate bias model for pharmaceutical policy analysis is problematised.

Keywords: pharmaceutical governance, pharmaceutical bureaucracy, pricing strategies, state power, value theory

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Authors: Olayinka Adeniyi, Melissa Omino

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The field of data privacy and data protection in Africa is still an evolving area, with many African countries yet to enact legislation on the subject. While African Governments are bringing their legislation to speed in this field, how patriarchy pervades every sector of African thought and manifests in society needs to be considered. Moreover, the laws enacted ought to be inclusive, especially towards women. This, in a nutshell, is the essence of data feminism. Data feminism is a new way of thinking about data science and data ethics that is informed by the ideas of intersectional feminism. Feminising data privacy and protection will involve thinking women, considering women in the issues of data privacy and protection, particularly in legislation, as is the case in this paper. The line of thought of women inclusion is not uncommon when even international and regional human rights specific for women only came long after the general human rights. The consideration is that these should have been inserted or rather included in the original general instruments in the first instance. Since legislation on data privacy is coming in this century, having seen the rights and shortcomings of earlier instruments, then the cue should be taken to ensure inclusive wholistic legislation for data privacy and protection in the first instance. Data feminism is arguably an area that has been scantily researched, albeit a needful one. With the spate of increase in the violence against women spiraling in the cyber world, compounding the issue of COVID-19 and the needful response of governments, and the effect of these on women and their rights, fast forward, the research on the feminism of data privacy and protection in Africa becomes inevitable. This paper seeks to answer the questions, what is data feminism in the African context, why is it important in the issue of data privacy and protection legislation; what are the laws, if any, existing on data privacy and protection in Africa, are they women inclusive, if not, why; what are the measures put in place for the privacy and protection of women in Africa, and how can this be made possible. The paper aims to investigate the issue of data privacy and protection in Africa, the legal framework, and the protection or provision that it has for women if any. It further aims to research the importance and necessity of feminizing data privacy and protection, the effect of lack of it, the challenges or bottlenecks in attaining this feat and the possibilities of accessing data privacy and protection for African women. The paper also researches the emerging practices of data privacy and protection of women in other jurisprudences. It approaches the research through the methodology of review of papers, analysis of laws, and reports. It seeks to contribute to the existing literature in the field and is explorative in its suggestion. It suggests a draft of some clauses to make any data privacy and protection legislation women inclusive. It would be useful for policymaking, academic, and public enlightenment.

Keywords: feminism, women, law, data, Africa

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Authors: David Sudre

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Sport in cinema, like sport in society, has been mainly concerned with men and masculinity. Whether in the boxing ring, on the basketball playgrounds, or on the soccer fields, these films have mostly focused on the trials and tribulations of male athletes, for whom women have very generally played secondary, often devalued and devaluing roles, such as that of the loving and indispensable woman to the victorious athlete, that of the dangerous femme fatale, or that of the woman as a sexual object. For more than a century, this film genre has, on the contrary, symbolized the dominant values of patriotism, heroism and contributed at the same time to build an ideal of hegemonic masculinity. With the exception of films such as The Grand National (1944) and Million Dollar Baby (2004), the most commercially successful films tell the story of men's adventures in sports. Today, thanks in part to the struggles of the feminist movement and subsequent societal advances, we are seeing an increase in the number of women in increasingly prominent roles in sports films. Indeed, there seems to be a general shift in popular cinema toward women playing major characters in big-budget productions that have also achieved critical and commercial success. However, if, at first sight, the increase in the number of roles given to women suggests an evolution and a more positive image of them on the screen, it will be necessary to see how their representation is really characterized when they are young and occupy major roles in this type of film. In order to answer this question, we will rely on the results of research conducted on a corpus of 28 sports films in which a young woman plays the main role in the story. All of these productions are fictional (not documentary), mostly American, and distributed by major film studios. The chosen sports teen movies are among the biggest commercial successes of the genre and aim to make the maximum profit and occupy the most dominant positions within the "commercial pole" of the cinematic field. Therefore, this research will allow us, although a change has taken place in the last decades in the number of main roles granted to sportswomen, to decode the sociological subtext of these popular sports films for teenagers. The aim is to reveal how these sports films convey a conservative ideology that participates, on the one hand, in the maintenance of patriarchy and, on the other hand, in the dissemination of stereotyped, negative, and regressive images of young women athletes.

Keywords: cinema, sport, gender, youth, representations, inequality, stereotypes

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Authors: M. Humayun Kabir, Mahamuda Afroze, K. Maudood Elahi

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Since the late 1900s, unplanned and rapid urbanization processes have drastically altered the land, reduced water bodies, and decreased vegetation cover in the capital city of Bangladesh, Dhaka. The capitalist modes of urbanization results in the encroachment of the surface water bodies in this city. The main goal of this study is to investigate the change detection of water bodies in Dhaka city, analyzing spatial distribution of water bodies and calculating the changing rate of it. This effort aims to influence public policy for environmental justice initiatives around protecting water bodies for ensuring proper function of the urban ecosystem. This study accomplishes research goal by compiling satellite imageries into GIS software to understand the changes of water bodies in Dhaka city. The work focuses on the late 20th century to early 21st century to analyze this city before and after major infrastructural changes occurred in unplanned manner. The land use of the study area has been classified into four categories, and the areas of the different land use have been calculated using MS Excel and SPSS. The results reveal that the urbanization expanded from central to northern part and major encroachment occurred at the western and eastern part of the city. It has also been found that, in 1988, the total area of water bodies was 8935.38 hectares, and it gradually decreased, and in 1998, 2008, 2017, the total areas of water bodies reached 6065.73, 4853.32, 2077.56 hectares, respectively. Rapid population growth, unplanned urbanization, and industrialization have generated pressure to change the land use pattern in Dhaka city. These expansion processes are engulfing wetland, water bodies, and vegetation cover without considering environmental impact. In order to regain the wetland and surface water bodies, the concern authorities must implement laws and act as a legal instrument in this regard and take action against the violators of it. This research is the synthesis of time series data that provides a complete picture of the water body’s status of Dhaka city that might help to make plans and policies for water body conservation.

Keywords: ecosystem, GIS, industrialization, land use, remote sensing, urbanization

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Authors: Zhang Tao, Si Tang, Zhang Yufeng, Jin Jiahua

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Work pressure is an emerging research of organizational behavior. Many factors associated with this study also attracted the interest of scholars. Macao is surrounding by open micro-capitalist economy which has a high internationalization level and Mature operation system. And there is no doubt that tourism and hotel service industry is the pillar of the Macao economy with the developing of the mainland individual tourist visa. More and more cities are willing to inclusive culture diversity which lead to the amount of inbound tourists present high-speed up trend cause the hotel industry has a strong customer base and development space. At the same time, the hotel staff is an important role in the service. However, affected by some adverse factors, the hotel staff face a variety of pressures. This study combs the concept and theory of pressures relevant influencing factors and puts forward the purpose of this research. The focus of this study will be organizational supported by work efficiency and work pressure, using qualitative and quantitative research methods. Through questionnaires and interviews, 10 hotels in Macao were selected and 500 questionnaires were distributed to the employees. Statistical analysis software SPSS was used for descriptive statistics. By exploratory factor analysis and confirmatory factor analysis, effect. And the relevant practitioners on behalf of the interview content analysis. The innovation of this research lies in the empirical study of the relationship between the working pressure, organizational support and working efficiency of Macau hotel practitioners, and constructs and validates the structural model of the relationship among them. This model will be helpful for people to use more research methods to study hotel practitioners pressure in the future. At the same time, we can draw the following conclusions: 1. There is a significant negative correlation between salary level and job stress; 2. There is a significant negative correlation between job stress and performance; 3. Different organizational support can interfere the relationship between job stress and performance; 4. Put forward the strategy of relevance adjustment, which provides a reference value for the hotel industry in human resource management. It would be helpful to improve their service standard by training their practitioners more scientifically and rationally.

Keywords: Macau, perceived organizational support, work stress, work efficiency

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Authors: Kaltrina Kusari

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Displaced populations have received increasing attention, yet the experiences of return migrants remain largely hidden within social sciences. Existing research, albeit limited, suggests that policies which impact return migrants, especially those forced to return to their home countries, do not reflect their voices. Specifically, the United Nations Hight Commissioner for Refugees has adopted repatriation as a preferred policy solution, despite research which substantiates that returning to one’s home country is neither durable nor the end of the migration cycle; as many of 80% of returnees decide to remigrate. This one-size-fits-all approach to forced displacement does not recognize the impact of intersecting identity categories on return migration, thus failing to consider how ethnicity, gender, and class, among others, shape repatriation. To address this, this qualitative study examined the repatriation experiences of return migrant women from Kosovo and the role of social workers in facilitating return. In 2015, Kosovars constituted the fourth largest group of asylum seekers in the European Union, yet 96% of them were rejected. Additionally, since 1999 Kosovo has ranked among the top 10 countries of origin for return migrants. Considering that return migration trends are impacted by global power dynamics, this study relied on a postcolonial and transnational feminist framework to contextualize the mobility of displaced peoples in terms of globalization and conceptualize migration as a gendered process. Postcolonial and feminist theories suggest that power is partly operationalized through language, thus, Critical Discourse Analysis was used as a research methodology. CDA is concerned with examining how power, language, and discourses shape social processes and relationships of dominance. Data collection included interviews with 15 return migrant women (eight ethnic minorities and seven Albanian) and 18 service providers in Kosovo. The main findings illustrate that both returnee women and service providers rely on discourses which 1) challenge the voluntariness and sustainability of repatriation; 2) construct Kosovo as inferior to EU countries; and 3) highlight the impact of patriarchy and ethnic racism on return migration. A postcolonial transnational feminist analysis demonstrates that despite Kosovars’ challenges with repatriation, European Union countries use their power to impose repatriation as a preferred solution for Kosovo’s government. These findings add to the body of existing repatriation literature and provide important implications for how return migration might be carried out, not only in Kosovo but other countries as well.

Keywords: migration, gender, repatriation, transnational feminism

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Authors: Merina Islam

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The feminists have identified the traditional western ethical theories as basically male centered. Feminists are committed to develop a critique showing how the traditional western ethics together with traditional philosophy, irrespective of the claim for gender neutrality, all throughout remained gender-biased. This exclusion of women’s experiences from the moral discourse is justified on the ground that women cannot be moral agents, since they are not rational. By way of entailment, we are thus led to the position that virtues of traditional ethics, so viewed, can nothing but rational and hence male. The ears of traditional Western ethicists have been attuned to male rather than female ethical voices. Right from the Plato, Aristotle, Augustine, Aquinas, Rousseau, Kant, Hegel and even philosophers like Freud, Schopenhauer, Nietzsche and many others the dualism between reason-passion or mind and body started gaining prominence. These, according to them, have either intentionally excluded women or else have used certain male moral experience as the standard for all moral experiences, thereby resulting once again in exclusion of women’s experiences. Men are identified with rationality and hence contrasted with women whose sphere is believed to be that of emotion and feeling. This act of exclusion of women’s experience from moral discourse has given birth to a tradition that emphasizes reason over emotion, universal over the particular, and justice over caring. That patriarchy’s use of gender distinctions in the realm of Ethics has resulted in gender discriminations is an undeniable fact. Hence women’s moral agency is said to have often been denied, not simply by the act of exclusion of women from moral debate or sheer ignorance of their contributions, but through philosophical claims to the effect that women lack moral reason. Traditional or mainstream ethics cannot justify its claim for universality, objectivity and gender neutrality the standards from which were drawn the legitimacy of the various moral maxims or principles of it. Right from the Platonic and Aristotelian period the dualism between reason-passion or mind and body started gaining prominence. Men are identified with rationality and hence contrasted with women whose sphere is believed to be that of emotion and feeling. Through the Association of the masculine values with reason (the feminine with irrational), was created the standard prototype of moral virtues The feminists’ critique of the traditional mainstream Ethics is based on this charge that because of its inherent gender bias, in the name of gender distinctions, Ethics has so far been justifying discriminations. In this paper, attempt would make upon the gender biased-ness of traditional ethics. But Feminists are committed to develop a critique showing how the traditional ethics together with traditional philosophy, irrespective of the claim for gender neutrality, all throughout remained gender-biased. We would try to show to what extent traditional ethics is male centered and consequentially fails to justify its claims for universality and gender neutrality.

Keywords: ethics, gender, male-centered, traditional

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Authors: Taarika Singh

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Military wives – women married to army officers have largely been recognized as mere supporters or as auxiliaries to military men rather than propagators of thought and ideologies. The military wife (and her participation) is often dismissed as 'private', 'domestic', or 'trivial' and is acknowledged, if at all, only as an (inevitable/normative) entity, seen as a natural product/outcome of militarization. It is because the military wife has come to be constructed and accepted as normative by states and militaries that women of the military are easily ‘trivialised’ and are made to appear to be socially, politically, or theoretically irrelevantand/or insignificant. This paper, using ethnography-- structured and semi-structured interviews -- makes a gendered analysis of militarization, by bringing the military wife to the forefront and placing her at the nexus of the military and state apparatus. Moving away from gendered analyses that focus on the impact of militarization on women or draw attention to the ways in which militarization has been challenged/resisted by women, the paper pays attention to the centrality of women in shaping, validating, and perpetuating militarization, patriarchal control, and gendered hierarchies. The paper will demonstrate how military wives accept and comply with patriarchy as an institutional form of social organization that extends beyond the family and kinship relations into the military as an organization of the state. The paper will draw attention to the ways in which military norms, patriarchal values, and belief systems shape the social personhood, identity, and worldview of military wives; as a consequence of which, women play a central role in upholding and reproducing social inequalities and hierarchies; in shaping social status, and power relationships amongst men and women within and outside the military. The paper will allude to the processes and ideologies via which womena) accept and reproducemen as exclusive holders of power, status, and privilege; and b) recognize international relations, politics, andmatters related to security to be male dominated arenas inviting overwhelming masculine participation. In doing so, the paper will argue that women of the military play a critical role in perpetuating and upholding gendered meanings associated with the notion of and discourse around security. The paper will illustratehow military wives accept and assume security to be inherently a gendered idea -- a masculine notion, a male dominated arena, as something granted by men. In other words, the paper will demonstrate how the militarization of the military wives and the perpetuation of militarization by military wives plays a crucial role in propagating and perpetuating security to be a masculine notion or a male dominated arena. The paper will then question the degree to which such gendered analyses can shape the broader meanings, definitions, and discourses around security, matters related to security, and security threats.

Keywords: gender, militarisation, security, women

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Authors: Fatemeh Moosavi, Tumelo Franck Nkoshwane

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Peter Drucker the renowned management guru once said, “The best way to predict the future is to create it.” Mr. Drucker is also the man who placed human capital as the most vital resource of any institution. As such any institution bent on creating a better future, requires a competent human capital, one that is able to execute with efficiency and effectiveness the objective a society aspires to. Technology today is accelerating the rate at which many societies transition to knowledge based societies. In this accelerated paradigm, it is imperative that those in leadership establish a platform capable of sustaining the planned future; intellectual capital. The capitalist economy going into the future will not just be sustained by dollars and cents, but by individuals who possess the creativity to enterprise, innovate and create wealth from ideas. This calls for cities of the future, to have this premise at the heart of their future plan, if the objective of designing sustainable and liveable future cities will be realised. The knowledge economy, now transitioning to the creative economy, requires cities of the future to be ‘gardens’ of inspiration, to be places where knowledge, creativity, and innovation can thrive as these instruments are becoming critical assets for creating wealth in the new economic system. Developing nations must accept that learning is a lifelong process that requires keeping abreast with change and should invest in teaching people how to keep learning. The need to continuously update one’s knowledge, turn these cities into vibrant societies, where new ideas create knowledge and in turn enriches the quality of life of the residents. Cities of the future must have as one of their objectives, the ability to motivate their citizens to learn, share knowledge, evaluate the knowledge and use it to create wealth for a just society. The five functional factors suggested by Kevin Lynch;-vitality, meaning/sense, adaptability, access, control, and monitoring should form the basis on which policy makers and urban designers base their plans for future cities. The authors of this paper believe that developing nations “creative economy clusters”, cities where creative industries drive the need for constant new knowledge creating sustainable learning creative cities. Obviously the form, shape and size of these districts should be cognisant of the environmental, cultural and economic characteristics of each locale. Gaborone city in the republic of Botswana is presented as the case study for this paper.

Keywords: learning city, sustainable creative city, creative industry, good city form

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Authors: Suzanne Strauss, Leandi Steenkamp

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The Finnish symphonic metal band Nightwish is the brainchild of songwriter and lyricist TuomasHolopainen and the band recorded their first demonstration recording in 1996. The band has since produced nine full-length studio albums, the most recent being the 2020 album Human. :||: Nature., and has reached massive international success. The band is well known for songs about fantasy and escapism and employs many sonic, visual and branding tools and techniques to communicate these constructs to the audience. Among these, is the band’s creation of the so-called “Nightwish world and mythology” with a set of recurring characters and narratives which, in turn, creates a psychological anchor and safe space for Nightwish fans around the globe. Nature and the reverence of nature are central themes in Nightwish’s self-created mythology.Swiss psychologist Carl Jung’s theory of the collective unconscious identified a mysterious reservoir of psychological constructs common to all people, being derived from ancestral memory and experience, common to all humankind, and distinct from the individual’s personal unconscious. Furthermore, he defined archetypes as timeless collective patterns and images that springs forth from the collective unconscious. Archetypes can be actualized when they enter consciousness as images in interaction with the outside world. Archetypal patterns or images can manifest in different ways across world cultures, but follow common patterns, also known as archetypal themes and symbols. The Jungian approach to the psyche places great emphasis on nature, positing a direct link betweenthe concept of wholeness and responsible care for nature and the environment.In our proposed paper, we examine, by means of thematic content analysis, how Nightwish makes use of archetypal themes and symbols referring to nature and the environment in selected songs from their ninth full-length album Human. II Nature. Furthermore, we argue that the longing for and reverence of nature in selected Nightwish songs may serve as a type of “social intervention” and social critique on modern capitalist society. The type of social critique that the band offers is generally connoted intertextually and is not equally explicit in their songs. The band uses a unique combination of escapism, fantasy, and nature narratives to inspire a sense of wonder, enchantment, and magic in the listener. In this way, escapism, fantasy, and nature serve as postmodern frames of reference that aim to “re-enchant” the disenchanted and de-spiritualized. In this way, re-enchantment could also refer to spiritual and/or psychological healing and rebirth.

Keywords: archetypes, metal music, nature, Nightwish, social interventions

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Authors: M. Moncef Khaddar

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This paper focuses mainly on a contextualized understanding of ‘autocratic authoritarianism’ in Tunisia without approaching its peculiarities in reference to the ideal type of capitalist-liberal democracy but rather analysing it as a Tunisian ‘civilian dictatorship’. This is reminiscent, to some extent, of the French ‘colonial authoritarianism’ in parallel with the legacy of the traditional formal monarchic absolutism. The Tunisian autocratic political system is here construed as a state manufactured nationalist-populist authoritarianism associated with a de facto presidential single party, two successive autocratic presidents and their subservient autocratic elites who ruled with an iron fist the de-colonialized ‘liberated nation’ that came to be subjected to a large scale oppression and domination under the new Tunisian Republic. The diachronic survey of Tunisia’s autocratic authoritarian system covers the early years of autocracy, under the first autocratic president Bourguiba, 1957-1987, as well as the different stages of its consolidation into a police-security state under the second autocratic president, Ben Ali, 1987-2011. Comparing the policies of authoritarian regimes, within what is identified synchronically as a bi-cephalous autocratic system, entails an in-depth study of the two autocrats, who ruled Tunisia for more than half a century, as modern adaptable autocrats. This is further supported by an exploration of the ruling authoritarian autocratic elites who played a decisive role in shaping the undemocratic state-society relations, under the 1st and 2nd President, and left an indelible mark, structurally and ideologically, on Tunisian polity. Emphasis is also put on the members of the governmental and state-party institutions and apparatuses that kept circulating and recycling from one authoritarian regime to another, and from the first ‘founding’ autocrat to his putschist successor who consolidated authoritarian stability, political continuity and autocratic governance. The reconfiguration of Tunisian political life, in the post-autocratic era, since 2011 will be analysed. This will be scrutinized, especially in light of the unexpected return of many high-profile figures and old guards of the autocratic authoritarian apparatchiks. How and why were, these public figures, from an autocratic era, able to return in a supposedly post-revolutionary moment? Finally, while some continue to celebrate the putative exceptional success of ‘democratic transition’ in Tunisia, within a context of ‘unfinished revolution’, others remain perplexed in the face of a creeping ‘oligarchic transition’ to a ‘hybrid regime’, characterized rather by elites’ reformist tradition than a bottom-up genuine democratic ‘change’. This latter is far from answering the 2010 ordinary people’s ‘uprisings’ and ‘aspirations, for ‘Dignity, Liberty and Social Justice’.

Keywords: authoritarianism, autocracy, democratization, democracy, populism, transition, Tunisia

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Authors: Elena Chernyak

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The status of Russian women has changed dramatically over the course of Russian history and under different leadership and economic, political, and social conditions. The perception of women, their submissive roles, and low social status cause gender conflict that affects society: demographical issues, increased numbers of divorces, alcoholism, drug abuse, and crime. Despite the fact that around the world women are becoming more independent, protected by law, and play more important roles in society, Russian women are still dependent on men financially, socially, and psychologically. This paper critically explores the experience of Russian women over the course of over a thousand year of Russian history and how the position and image of women changed in Russian Empire, Soviet and post-Soviet Russia and what role women play in contemporary Russia. This paper is a result of deep examination of historical and religious literature, mass media, internet sources, and documents. This analysis shows that throughout history, the role and image of women in society have repeatedly varied depending on ideological and social conditions. In particular, the history of Russian women may be divided into five main periods. The first was the period of paganism, when almost all areas of life were open for women and when women were almost equal in social roles with men. During the second period, starting with the beginning of the Mongol invasion in the 13th century, the position of women was diminishing due to social transformation to the patriarchal society in which women started playing subordinate role in family and society. The third period – the period from the fourteenth through the sixteenth centuries - is a period of the total seclusion of Russian women from each part of social life. The fourth, Soviet period started after the Revolution of 1917. During that time, the position of women was drastically changed due to the transformation of traditional gender roles under the Bolshevik government. Woman's role was seen as worker-mothers who had a double duty: a worker and a mother. The final period began after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The restructuring (Perestroika) and post-Restructuring periods have had contradictory consequences and tremendous impact on Russian society. The image of women as partners and equal to men, which was promoted during the Soviet regime, has been replaced with the traditional functionalist views on family and the role of women, in which men and women have different but supposedly complementary roles. Modern Russia, despite publicly stating its commitment to equal rights, during last two decades has been reverting to an older social model with its emphasis on traditional gender roles, patriarchal ideas of dominant masculinity, and adverse attitudes to women, which are further supported and reinforced by the reviving Russian Orthodox Church. As demonstrated in this review, Russian women have never possessed the same rights as men and have always been subordinate to men. During all period of Russian history, patriarchal ideology maintained and reinforced in Russian society has always subjected women to manipulation, oppression, and victimization and portrayed women as not a ‘full human being’.

Keywords: women, Russia, patriarchy, religion, Russian Orthodox Church

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Authors: Anouar El Younssi

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This study seeks to shed some light on the political and social ramifications and implications of Haifaa al-Mansour’s 2012 film Wadjda. The film made international headlines following its release, and was touted as the first film ever to be shot in its entirety inside the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, and also the first to be directed by a female (Haifaa al-Mansour). Wadjda revolves around a simple storyline: A teenage Saudi girl living in the capital city Riyadh—named Wadjda—wants to have a bicycle just like her male teenage neighbor and friend Abdullah, but her ultra-conservative Saudi society places so many constraints on its female population—including not allowing girls and women to ride bicycles. Wadjda, who displays a rebellious spirit, takes concrete steps to save money in order to realize her dream of buying a bicycle. For example, she starts making and selling sports bracelets to her school mates, and she decides to participate in a Qur’an competition in hopes of winning a sum of money that comes with the first prize. In the end, Wadjda could not beat the system on her own, but the film reverses course, and the audience gets a happy ending: Wadjda’s mother, whose husband has decided to take a second wife, defies the system and buys her daughter the very bicycle Wadjda has been dreaming of. It is quite significant that the mother takes her daughter’s side on the subject of the bicycle at the end of the film, for this shows that she finally came to the realization that she and her daughter are both oppressed by the cultural norms prevalent in Saudi society. It is no coincidence that this change of heart and action on the part of the mother takes place immediately after the wedding night celebrating her husband’s second marriage. Gender inequality is thus placed front and center in the film. Nevertheless, a major finding of this study is that the film carries out its social critique in a soft and almost covert manner. The female actors in the film never issue a direct criticism of Saudi society or government; the criticism is consistently implied and subtle throughout. It is a criticism that relies more on showing than telling. The film shows us—rather than tells us directly—what is wrong, and lets us, the audience, decide and make a judgment. In fact, showing could arguably be more powerful and impactful than telling. Regarding methodology, this study will focus on and analyze the visuals and a number of key utterances by the main actor Wadjda in order to corroborate the study’s argument about the film’s bent on critiquing patriarchy. This research will attempt to establish a link between the film as an art object and as a social text. Ultimately, Wadjda sends a message of hope, that change is possible and that it is already happening slowly inside the Kingdom. It also sends the message that an insurrectional approach regarding women’s rights in Saudi Arabia is perhaps not the right one, at least at this historical juncture.

Keywords: bicycle, gender inequality, social critique, Wadjda, women’s rights

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Authors: Amany Abdelrazek

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Fashion is considered the main feature of modern and postmodern capitalist and consumerist society. Consumer historians maintain that fashion, namely, a sector of people embracing a prevailing clothing style for a short period, started during the Middle Ages but gained popularity later. It symbolised the transition from a medieval society with its solid fixed religious values into a modern society with its secular consumer dynamic culture. Renaissance society was a modern secular society concerning its preoccupation with daily life and changing circumstances. Yet, the late 18th-century industrial revolution revolutionised thought and ideology in Europe. The Industrial Revolution reinforced the Western belief in rationality and strengthened the position of science. In such a rational Western society, modernity, with its new ideas, came to challenge the whole idea of old fixed norms, reflecting the modern secular, rational culture and renouncing the medieval pious consumer. In modern society, supported by the industrial revolution and mass production, fashion encouraged broader sectors of society to integrate into fashion reserved for the aristocracy and royal courts. Moreover, the fashion project emphasizes the human body and its beauty, contradicting Judeo-Christian culture, which tends to abhor and criticize interest in sensuality and hedonism. In mainstream Western discourse, fashionable dress differentiates between emancipated stylish consumerist secular modern female and the assumed oppressed traditional modest religious female. Opposing this discourse, I look at the controversy over what has been called "Islamic fashion" that started during the 1980s and continued to gain popularity in contemporary Egyptian society. I discuss the challenges of being a fashionable and Muslim practicing female in light of two prominent models for female "Islamic fashion" in postcolonial Egypt; Jasmin Mohshen, the first hijabi model in Egypt and Manal Rostom, the first Muslim woman to represent the Nike campaign in the Middle East. The research employs fashion and postcolonial theories to rethink current Muslim women's position on women's emancipation, Western modernity and practising faith in postcolonial Egypt. The paper argues that Muslim women's current innovative and fashionable dress can work as a counter-discourse to the Orientalist and exclusive representation of non-Western Muslim culture as an inherently inert timeless culture. Furthermore, "Islamic" fashionable dress as an aesthetic medium for expressing ideas and convictions in contemporary Egypt interrogates the claim of universal secular modernity and Western fashion theorists' reluctance to consider Islamic fashion as fashion.

Keywords: fashion, muslim women, modernity, secularism

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Authors: Thomas Compton

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As Decolonialism becomes an important topic in Political Theory, the rupture between the colonized and the colonist relation has lost attention. Focusing on the anti-colonial activist Madhi Amel, we shall consider his attention to the permanence of the colonial relation and how it preempts Frank Wilderson’s formulation of (white) culturally necessary Anti-Black violence. Both projects draw attention away from empirical accounts of oppression, instead focusing on the structural relation which precipitates them. As Amel says that we should stop thinking of the ‘underdeveloped’ as beyond the colonial relation, Wilderson says we should stop think of the Black rights that have surpassed the role of the slave. However, Amel moves beyond his idol Althusser’s Structuralism toward a formulation of the colonial relation as source of domination. Our analysis will take a Lacanian turn in considering how this non-relation was formulated as a relation how this space of negativity became a ideological opportunity for Colonial domination. Wilderson’s work shall problematise this as we conclude with his criticisms of Structural accounts for the failure to consider how Black social death exists as more than necessity but a cite of white desire. Amel, a Lebanese activist and scholar (re)discovered by Hicham Safieddine, argues colonialism is more than the theft of land, but instead a privatization of collective property and form of investment which (re)produces the status of the capitalist in spaces ‘outside’ the market. Although Amel was a true Marxist-Leninsist, who exposited the economic determinacy of the Colonial Mode of Production, we are reading this account through Alenka Zupančič’s reformulation of the ‘invisible hand job of the market’. Amel points to the signifier ‘underdeveloped’ as buttressed on a pre-colonial epistemic break, as the Western investor (debt collector) sees the (post?) colony narcissistic image. However, the colony can never become site of class conflict, as the workers are not unified but existing between two countries. In industry, they are paid in Colonial subjectivisation, the promise of market (self)pleasure, at home, they are refugees. They are not, as Wilderson states, in the permanent social death of the slave, but they are less than the white worker. This is formulated as citizen (white), non-citizen (colonized), anti-citizen (Black/slave). Here we may also think of how indentured Indians were used as instruments of colonial violence. Wilderson’s aphorism “there is no analogy to anti-Black violence” lays bare his fundamental opposition between colonial and specifically anti-Black violence. It is not only that the debt collector, landowner, or other owners of production pleasures themselves as if their hand is invisible. The absolute negativity between colony and colonized provides a new frontier for desire, the development of a colonial mode of production. An invention inside the colonial structure that is generative of class substitution. We shall explore how Amel ignores the role of the slave but how Wilderson forecloses the history African anti-colonial.

Keywords: afropessimism, fanon, marxism, postcolonialism

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Authors: Anar Koli

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After the Paris agreement in 2015, a comprehensive initiative both from the developed and developing countries towards the adaptation to climate change is emerging. The Global Environmental Facility (GEF), which is financing a global portfolio of adaptation projects and programs in over 124 countries is playing a significant role to a new financing framework that included the concept of “climate-resilient development”. However, both the adaptation and sustainable development paradigms remain continuously contested, especially the role of the multilateral institutions with their technical and financial assistance to the developing world. Focusing on the adaptation initiatives of the GEF, this study aims to understand to what extent the global multilateral institutions, particularly the GEF is contributing to the climate-resilient development. From the political ecology perspective, the argument of this study is that the global financial framework is highly politicized, and understanding the contribution of the global institutions of the global climate change needs to be related both from the response and causal perspectives. A holistic perspective, which includes the contribution of the GEF as a response to the climate change and as well the cause of global climate change, are needed to understand the broader environment- political economic relation. The study intends to make a critical analysis of the way in which the political economy structure and the environment are related along with the social and ecological implications. It does not provide a narrow description of institutional responses to climate change, rather it looks at how the global institutions are influencing the relationship of the global ecologies and economies. This study thus developed a framework combining the global governance and the political economy perspective. This framework includes environment-society relation, environment-political economy linkage, global institutions as the orchestra, and division between the North and the South. Through the analysis of the GEF as the orchestra of the global governance, this study helps to understand how GEF is coordinating the interactions between the North and the South and responding the global climate resilient development. Through the other components of the framework, the study explains how the role of the global institutions is related to the cause of the human induced global climate change. The study employs a case study based on both the quantitative and qualitative data. Along with the GEF reports and data sets, this study draws from an eclectic range of literature from a range of disciplines to explain the broader relation of the environment and political economy. Based on a case study on GEF, the study found that the GEF has positive contributions in bringing developing countries’ capacity in terms of sustainable development goal, local institutional development. However, through a critical holistic analysis, this study found that this contribution to the resilient development helps the developing countries to conform the fossil fuel based capitalist political economy. The global governance institution is contributing both to the pro market based environment society relation and, to the consequences of this relation.

Keywords: climate change adaptation, global environmental facility (GEF), political economy, the north -south relation

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Authors: Jian Wu

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Since a few years, some French companies have integrated CRS (corporate social responsibility) criteria in their variable remuneration plans to ‘restore a good working atmosphere’ and ‘preserve the natural environment’. These CSR criteria are based on concerns on environment protection, social aspects, and corporate governance. In June 2012, a report on this practice has been made jointly by ORSE (which means Observatory on CSR in French) and PricewaterhouseCoopers. Facing this initiative from the business world, we need to examine whether it has a real economic utility. We adopt a theoretical approach for our study. First, we examine the debate between the ‘orthodox’ point of view in economics and the CSR school of thought. The classical economic model asserts that in a capitalist economy, exists a certain ‘invisible hand’ which helps to resolve all problems. When companies seek to maximize their profits, they are also fulfilling, de facto, their duties towards society. As a result, the only social responsibility that firms should have is profit-searching while respecting the minimum legal requirement. However, the CSR school considers that, as long as the economy system is not perfect, there is no ‘invisible hand’ which can arrange all in a good order. This means that we cannot count on any ‘divine force’ which makes corporations responsible regarding to society. Something more needs to be done in addition to firms’ economic and legal obligations. Then, we reply on some financial theories and empirical evident to examine the sound foundation of CSR. Three theories developed in corporate governance can be used. Stakeholder theory tells us that corporations owe a duty to all of their stakeholders including stockholders, employees, clients, suppliers, government, environment, and society. Social contract theory tells us that there are some tacit ‘social contracts’ between a company and society itself. A firm has to respect these contracts if it does not want to be punished in the form of fine, resource constraints, or bad reputation. Legitime theory tells us that corporations have to ‘legitimize’ their actions toward society if they want to continue to operate in good conditions. As regards empirical results, we present a literature review on the relationship between the CSR performance and the financial performance of a firm. We note that, due to difficulties in defining these performances, this relationship remains still ambiguous despite numerous research works realized in the field. Finally, we are curious to know whether the integration of CSR criteria in variable remuneration plans – which is practiced so far in big companies – should be extended to other ones. After investigation, we note that two groups of firms have the greatest need. The first one involves industrial sectors whose activities have a direct impact on the environment, such as petroleum and transport companies. The second one involves companies which are under pressures in terms of return to deal with international competition.

Keywords: corporate social responsibility, corporate governance, variable remuneration, stakeholder theory

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Authors: Arnav M. Raval

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This paper critically examines the neoliberal economic model and its role in enabling corporate greenwashing, a practice where corporations deceptively market themselves as environmentally responsible while continuing harmful environmental practices. Through a rigorous focus on the neoliberal emphasis of free markets, deregulation, and minimal government intervention, this paper explores how these policies have set the stage for corporations to externalize environmental costs and engage in superficial sustainability initiatives. Within this framework, companies often bypass meaningful environmental reform, opting for strategies that enhance their public image without addressing their actual environmental impacts. The paper also draws on the works of critical theorists Theodor Adorno, Max Horkheimer, and Herbert Marcuse, particularly their critiques of capitalist society and its tendency to commodify social values. This paper argues that neoliberal capitalism has commodified environmentalism, transforming genuine ecological responsibility into a marketable product. Through corporate social responsibility initiatives, corporations have created the illusion of sustainability while masking deeper environmental harm. Under neoliberalism, these initiatives often serve as public relations tools rather than genuine commitments to environmental justice and sustainability. This commodification has become particularly dangerous because as it manipulates consumer perceptions and diverts attention away from the structural causes of environmental degradation. The analysis also examines how greenwashing practices have disproportionately affected marginalized communities, particularly in the global South, where environmental costs are often externalized. As these corporations promote their “sustainability” in wealthier markets, these marginalized communities bear the brunt of their pollution, resource depletion, and other forms of environmental degradation. This dynamic underscores the inherent injustice within neoliberal environmental policies, as those most vulnerable to environmental risks are often neglected, as companies reap the benefits of corporate sustainability efforts at their expense. Finally, this paper calls for a fundamental transition away from neoliberal market-driven solutions, which prioritize corporate profit over genuine ecological reform. It advocates for stronger regulatory frameworks, transparent third-party certifications, and a more collective approach to environmental governance. In order to ensure genuine corporate accountability, governments and institutions must move beyond superficial green initiatives and market-based solutions, shifting toward policies that enforce real environmental responsibility and prioritize environmental justice for all communities. Through the critique of the neoliberal system and its commodification of environmentalism, this paper has highlighted the urgent need to rethink how environmental responsibility is defined and enacted in the corporate world. Without systemic change, greenwashing will continue to undermine both ecological sustainability and social justice, leaving the most vulnerable populations to suffer the consequences.

Keywords: critical theory, environmental justice, greenwashing, neoliberalism

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Authors: S. Gustafsson

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The aim of this paper is to explore the connection between gender, agency, and health on personal and social levels over time. The use of gender as an analytical tool for health research has been shown to be useful to explore thoughts and ideas that are taken for granted, which have relevance for health. The paper highlights the following three issues. There are multiple forms of femininity and masculinity. Agency and social structure are closely related and referred to in this paper as 'gender agency'. Gender is illuminated as a product of history but also treated as a social factor and a producer of history. As a prominent social factor in the process of shaping living conditions, gender is highlighted as being significant for understanding health. To make health explicit as a dynamic and complex concept and not merely the opposite of disease requires a broader alliance with feminist theory and a post-Bourdieusian framework. A personal story, included with other ethnographic material about women’s networking in rural Sweden, is used as an empirical illustration. Ethnographic material was chosen for its ability to illustrate historical, local, and cultural ways of doing gendered and capitalized health. New concepts characterize ethnography, exemplified in this study by 'processes of transformation'. The semi-structured interviews followed an interview guide drafted with reference to the background theory of gender. The interviews lasted about an hour and were recorded and transcribed verbatim. The transcribed interviews and the author’s field notes formed the basis for the writing up of this paper. Initially, the participants' interests in weaving, sewing, and various handicrafts became obvious foci for networking activities and seemed at first to shape compliance with patriarchy, which generally does the opposite of promoting health. However, a significant event disrupted the stability of this phenomenon. What was permissible for the women began to crack and new spaces opened up. By exploiting these new spaces, the participants found opportunities to try out alternatives to emphasized femininity. Over time, they began combining feminized activities with degrees of masculinity, as leadership became part of the activities. In response to this, masculine enactment was gradually transformed and became increasingly gender neutral. As the tasks became more gender neutral the activities assumed a more formal character and the women stretched the limits of their capacity by enacting gender agency, a process the participants referred to as 'personal growth' and described as health promotion. What was described in terms of 'personal growth' can be interpreted as the effects of a raised status. Participation in women’s networking strengthened the participants’ structural position. More specifically, it was the gender-neutral position that was rewarded. To clarify the connection between gender, agency, and health on personal and social levels over time the concept processes of transformation is used. This concept is suggested as a dynamic equivalent to habitus. Health is thus seen as resulting from situational access to social recognition, prestige, capital assets and not least, meanings of gender.

Keywords: a cross-gender bodily hexis, gender agency, gender as analytical tool, processes of transformation

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Authors: Almira Sharafeeva

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In the Soviet Union of the 1930s, motherhood was seen as a natural need of women. The masculine Bolshevik state did not see the emancipated woman as free from her maternal burden. In order to support the idea of "joyful motherhood," a medical discourse on the anesthesia of childbirth emerges. In March 1935 at the IX Congress of obstetricians and gynecologists the People's Commissar of Public Health of the RSFSR G.N. Kaminsky raised the issue of anesthesia of childbirth. It was also from that year that medical, literary and artistic editions with enviable frequency began to publish articles, studies devoted to the issue, the goal - to anesthetize all childbirths in the USSR - was proclaimed. These publications were often filled with anti-German and anti-capitalist propaganda, through which the advantages of socialism over Capitalism and Nazism were demonstrated. At congresses, in journals, and at institute meetings, doctors' discussions around obstetric anesthesia were accompanied by discussions of shortening the duration of the childbirth process, the prevention and prevention of disease, the admission of nurses to the procedure, and the proper behavior of women during the childbirth process. With the help of articles from medical periodicals of the 1930s., brochures, as well as documents from the funds of the Institute of Obstetrics and Gynecology of the Academy of Medical Sciences of the USSR (TsGANTD SPb) and the Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology of the NKZ USSR (GARF) in this paper we will show, how the advantages of the Soviet system and the socialist way of life were constructed through the problem of childbirth pain relief, and we will also show how childbirth pain relief in the USSR was related to the foreign policy situation and how projects of labor pain relief were related to the anti-abortion policy of the state. This study also attempts to answer the question of why anesthesia of childbirth in the USSR did not become widespread and how, through this medical procedure, the Soviet authorities tried to take control of a female function (childbirth) that was not available to men. Considering this subject from the perspective of gender studies and the social history of medicine, it is productive to use the term "biopolitics. Michel Foucault and Antonio Negri, wrote that biopolitics takes under its wing the control and management of hygiene, nutrition, fertility, sexuality, contraception. The central issue of biopolitics is population reproduction. It includes strategies for intervening in collective existence in the name of life and health, ways of subjectivation by which individuals are forced to work on themselves. The Soviet state, through intervention in the reproductive lives of its citizens, sought to realize its goals of population growth, which was necessary to demonstrate the benefits of living in the Soviet Union and to train a pool of builders of socialism. The woman's body was seen as the object over which the socialist experiment of reproductive policy was being conducted.

Keywords: labor anesthesia, biopolitics of stalinism, childbirth pain relief, reproductive policy

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Authors: Mohammad Ibrahim Alladin

Abstract:

The Pedagogy of the Oppressed by Paulo Freire was first published in 1970. Since its publication it has become one of most cited book in the social sciences. Over a million copies have been sold worldwide. The Pedagogy of the Oppressed by Paulo Freire was published in 1970 (New York: Herder and Herder), The book has caused a “revolution” in the education world and his theory has been examined and analysed. It has influenced educational policy, curriculum development and teacher education. The revolution started half a century ago. “Paolo Freire’s Pedagogy of the Oppressed develops a theory of education fitted to the needs of the disenfranchised and marginalized members of capitalist societies. Combining educational and political philosophy, the book offers an analysis of oppression and a theory of liberation. Freire believes that traditional education serves to support the dominance of the powerful within society and thereby maintain the powerful’s social, political, and economic status quo. To overcome the oppression endemic to an exploitative society, education must be remade to inspire and enable the oppressed in their struggle for liberation. This new approach to education focuses on consciousness-raising, dialogue, and collaboration between teacher and student in the effort to achieve greater humanization for all. For Freire, education is political and functions either to preserve the current social order or to transform it. The theories of education and revolutionary action he offers in Pedagogy of the Oppressed are addressed educators committed to the struggle for liberation from oppression. Freire’s own commitment to this struggle developed through years of teaching literacy to Brazilian and Chilean peasants and laborers. His efforts at educational and political reform resulted in a brief period of imprisonment followed exile from his native Brazil for fifteen years. In Pedagogy of the Oppressed begins Freire asserts the importance of consciousness-raising, or conscientização, as the means enabling the oppressed to recognize their oppression and commit to the effort to overcome it, taking full responsibility for themselves in the struggle for liberation. He addresses the “fear of freedom,” which inhibits the oppressed from assuming this responsibility. He also cautions against the dangers of sectarianism, which can undermine the revolutionary purpose as well as serve as a refuge for the committed conservative. Freire provides an alternative view of education by attacking tradition education and knowledge. He is highly critical of how is imparted and how knowledge is structured that limits the learner’s thinking. Hence, education becomes oppressive and school functions as an institution of social control. Since its publication, education has gone through a series of reforms and in some areas total transformation. This paper addresses the following: The role of education in social transformation The teacher/learner relationship :Critical thinking The paper essentially examines what happened in the last fifty years since Freire’s book. It seeks to explain what happened to Freire’s education revolution, and what is the status of the movement that started almost fifty years ago.

Keywords: pedagogy, reform, curriculum, teacher education

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