Search results for: political accountability

Authors: Tonghua Li

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Under the neoliberal corporate food regime, biofuels are a double-edged sword that exacerbates tensions between national food security and trade in green agricultural products. Biofuels have the potential to help achieve green sustainable development goals, but they threaten food security by exacerbating competition for land and changing global food trade patterns. The U.S.-China trade war complicates this debate. Under the influence of different political and corporate coordination mechanisms in China and the US, trade disputes can have different impacts on sustainable agricultural practices. This paper develops an actor-centred ‘network governance framework’ focusing on trade in soybean and corn-based biofuels to explain how trade wars can change the actions of governmental and non-governmental actors in the context of oligopolistic competition and market concentration in agricultural trade. There is evidence that the US-China trade decoupling exacerbates the conflict between national security, free trade in agriculture, and the realities and needs of green and sustainable energy development. The US government's trade policies reflect concerns about China's relative gains, leading to a loss of trade profits, making it impossible for the parties involved to find a balance between the three objectives and, consequently, to get into a biofuels and soybean industry dilemma. Within the setting of prioritizing national security and strategic interests, the government has replaced the dominant position of large agribusiness in the neoliberal food system, and the goal of environmental sustainability has been marginalized by high politics. In contrast, China faces tensions in the trade war between food security self-sufficiency policy and liberal sustainable trade, but the state-capitalist model ensures policy coordination and coherence in trade diversion and supply chain adjustment. Despite ongoing raw material shortages and technological challenges, China remains committed to playing a role in global environmental governance and promoting green trade objectives.

Keywords: food security, green trade, biofuels, soybeans, US-China trade war

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Authors: Charlotte-Rose Kennedy

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In a political climate divided by Brexit, it is crucial to be critical of the press, as it is the apparatus which political authorities use to impose their laws and shape public opinion. Although large protests have the power to shake and disrupt policy-making by making it difficult for governments to ignore their goals, the British press historically constructs protesters as delegitimate, deviant, and criminal, which could limit protests’ credibility and democratic power. This paper explores how the remain supporting daily UK press (The Mirror, Financial Times, The Independent, The Guardian) and the leave supporting daily UK press (The Daily Mail, The Daily Star, The Sun, The Express, The Telegraph) discursively constructed every pro- and anti-Brexit demonstration from 2016 to 2019. 702 instances of the terms ‘protester’, ‘protesters’, ‘protestor’ and ‘protestors’ were analyzed through both transitivity analysis and critical discourse analysis. This mixed-methods approach allowed for the analysis of how the UK press perpetuated and upheld social ideologies about protests through their specific grammatical and language choices. The results of this analysis found that both remain and leave supporting press utilized the same discourses to report on protests they oppose and protests they support. For example, the remain backing The Mirror used water metaphors regularly associated with influxes of refugees and asylum seekers to support the protesters on the remain protest ‘Final Say’, and oppose the protesters on the leave protest ‘March to Leave’. Discourses of war, violence, and victimhood are also taken on by both sides of the press Brexit debate and are again used to support and oppose the same arguments. Finally, the paper concludes that these analogous discourses do nothing to help the already marginalized social positions of protesters in the UK and could potentially lead to reduced public support for demonstrations. This could, in turn, facilitate the government in introducing increasingly restrictive legislation in relation to freedom of assembly rights, which could be detrimental to British democracy.

Keywords: Brexit, critical discourse analysis, protests, transitivity analysis, UK press

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Authors: Alfonso J. García Osuna

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Background and Significance: The objective of this paper is to analyze the inception and development of identity archetypes in early XX century Latin America, to explore their roots in United States culture, to discuss the influences that came to bear upon Latin Americans as the United States began to export images of standard identity paradigms through its film industry, and to survey how these images evolved and impacted Latin Americans’ ideas of national distinctiveness from the early 1900s to the present. Therefore, the general hypothesis of this work is that United States film in many ways influenced national identity patterning in its neighbors, especially in those nations closest to its borders, Cuba and Mexico. Very little research has been done on the social impact of the United States film industry on the country’s southern neighbors. From a historical perspective, the US’s influence has been examined as the projection of political and economic power, that is to say, that American influence is seen as a catalyst to align the forces that the US wants to see wield the power of the State. But the subtle yet powerful cultural influence exercised by film, the eminent medium for exporting ideas and ideals in the XX century, has not been significantly explored. Basic Methodologies and Description: Gramscian Marxist theory underpins the study, where it is argued that film, as an exceptional vehicle for culture, is an important site of political and social struggle; in this context, it aims to show how United States capitalist structures of power not only use brute force to generate and maintain control of overseas markets, but also promote their ideas through artistic products such as film in order to infiltrate the popular culture of subordinated peoples. In this same vein, the work of neo-Marxist theoreticians of popular culture is employed in order to contextualize the agency of subordinated peoples in the process of cultural assimilations. Indication of the Major Findings of the Study: The study has yielded much data of interest. The salient finding is that each particular nation receives United States film according to its own particular social and political context, regardless of the amount of pressure exerted upon it. An example of this is the unmistakable dissimilarity between Cuban and Mexican reception of US films. The positive reception given in Cuba to American film has to do with the seamless acceptance of identity paradigms that, for historical reasons discussed herein, were incorporated into the national identity grid quite unproblematically. Such is not the case with Mexico, whose express rejection of identity paradigms offered by the United States reflects not only past conflicts with the northern neighbor, but an enduring recognition of the country’s indigenous roots, one that precluded such paradigms. Concluding Statement: This paper is an endeavor to elucidate the ways in which US film contributed to the outlining of Latin American identity blueprints, offering archetypes that would be accepted or rejected according to each nation’s particular social requirements, constraints and ethnic makeup.

Keywords: film studies, United States, Latin America, identity studies

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Authors: James Beringer

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Switzerland’s ability to forge a strong national identity across linguistic barriers has long been of interest to nationalism scholars. This begs the question of how this has been achieved, given that traditional explanations of luck or exceptionalism appear highly reductionist. This paper evaluates the theory that successful Swiss management of linguistic diversity stems from the strong integration of multilingualism into Swiss national identity. Using archival analysis of Swiss government records, historical accounts of prominent Swiss citizens, as well as secondary literature concerning the fundamental aspects of Swiss national identity, this paper charts the historical evolution of Swiss national identity. It explains how multilingualism was deliberately and successfully integrated into Swiss national identity as a response to political fragmentation along linguistic lines during the First World War. Its primary conclusions are the following. Firstly, the earliest foundations of Swiss national identity were purposefully removed from any association with a single national language. This produced symbols, myths, and values -such as a strong commitment to communalism, the imagery of the Swiss natural landscape, and the use of Latin expressions, which can be adopted across Swiss linguistic groups. Secondly, the First World War triggered a turning point in the evolution of Swiss national identity. The fundamental building blocks proved insufficient in preventing political fractures amongst linguistic lines, as each Swiss linguistic group gravitated towards its linguistic neighbours within Europe. To avoid a repeat of such fragmentation, a deliberate effort was made to fully integrate multilingualism as a fundamental aspect of Swiss national identity. Existing natural symbols, such as the St Gotthard Mountains, were recontextualized in order to become associated with multilingualism. The education system was similarly reformed to reflect the unique multilingual nature of the Swiss nation. The successful result of this process can be readily observed in polls and surveys, with large segments of the Swiss population highlighting multilingualism as a uniquely Swiss characteristic, indicating the symbiotic connection between multilingualism and the Swiss nation.

Keywords: language's role in identity formation, multilingualism in nationalism, national identity formation, Swiss national identity history

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Authors: Saifurahman Fayiz

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Afghanistan and India have close technical, political, economic, and diplomatic bilateral ties. The ties is not limited between the governments of the two countries, but their relationship are among the peoples. India is the best regional trustworthy partner and biggest donor for the development of Afghanistan. The objectives of this study to assess India’s foreign policy towards Afghanistan since 9\11. The research method conducted based on qualitative research method with descriptive. The research findings propose that; India should deal with and build up its strategy relations with neighbor countries.

Keywords: strategy, policy, India, Afghanistan

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Authors: Magdalena Madany-Saá

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This paper compares the language management of two language policies in plurinational Ecuador: (1) mandatory English language teaching that uses Western standards of quality, and (2) indigenous educación intercultural bilingüe, which promotes ancestral knowledge and the indigenous languages of Ecuador. The data are from a comparative institutional ethnography conducted between 2018 and 2022 in English and Kichwa teacher preparation programs in an Ecuadorian teachers’ college. Specifically, the paper explores frameworks of knowledge promoted by different educational actors in both teacher education programs and the ways in which the Ecuadorian transformation towards a knowledge-based economy is intertwined with the country’s linguistic policies. Focusing on the specific role of language advocates and their discursive role in knowledge production, the paper elaborates on the notion of agency in Language Policy and Planning (LPP), referred to as epistemic agency. Specifically, the epistemic agency is conceptualized through the analysis of English language epistemic advocates who participate in empowering English language policies and endorse knowledge production in that language. By proposing an epistemic agency, this paper argues that in the context of knowledge-based societies, advocates are key in transferring the policies from the political to the epistemic realm – where decisions about what counts as legitimate knowledge are made. The study uses the decolonial option as its analytical framework for critiquing the hegemonic perpetuation of modernity and its knowledge-based models in Latin America derived from the colonial matrix of power. Through this theoretical approach, it is argued that if indigenous stakeholders are only viewed as political actors and not as knowledge producers, the hegemony of Global English will reinforce a knowledge-based society constructed upon Global North modernity. In the absence of strong epistemic advocates for indigenous language policies, powerful Global English advocates occupy such vacancies at the language management level, thus dominating the ecology of knowledge in a plurinational and plurilingual Ecuador.

Keywords: educación intercultural bilingüe, English language teaching, epistemic agency, language advocates, plurinationality

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Authors: Kinda AlSamara

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The nineteenth century was characterized by major educational reforms in the Arab World. One of the unintended outcomes of colonization in Arab countries was the initiation of women liberation as well as the introduction of modern education and its application in sensitizing people on the rights of women and their liberation. The reforms were often attributed to various undercurrents that took place at different levels within the Ottoman Empire, and particularly the arrival and influence of the Christian missionaries were supported by the American and European governments. These trends were also significantly attributed to the increase in the presence of Europeans in the region, as well as the introduction of secular ideas and approaches related to the meaning of modernity. Using literary analysis as a method, this paper examines the role of an important male figure like the political activist and writer Qāsim Amīn and the religious reformer Muḥammad ʻAbduh in starting this discourse and shows their impact on the emancipation of women movement (Taḥrīr), and how later women led the movement with their published work. This paper explores Arab Salons and the initiation of women’s literary circles. Women from wealthy families in Egypt and Syria who had studied in Europe or interacted with European counterparts began these circles. These salons acted as central locations where people could meet and hold discussions on political, social, and literary trends as they happened each day. The paper concludes with a discussion of current debates between the Islamist and the secularist branches of the movement today. While the Islamists believe that adhering to the core of Islam with some of its contested position on women is a modern ideology of liberation that fits the current culture of modern time Egypt; the secularists argue that the influence that Islam has on the women’s liberation movement in Egypt has been a threat to the natural success and progress of the movement, which was initiated in the early nineteenth century independent of the more recent trends towards religiosity in the country.

Keywords: educational model, crisis of terminologies, Arab awakening, nineteenth century

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Authors: Yasser Sanad, Thu Trang Dao

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Introduction: Implementing the One Health (OH) approach requires an integrated, interdisciplinary, and cross-sectoral methodology. OH is a key tool for developing and implementing programs and projects and includes developing ambitious policies that consider the common needs and benefits of human, animal, plant, and ecosystem health. OH helps humanity readjust its path to environmentally friendly and impartial sustainability. As co-leader of the Global Health Security Agenda’s Zoonotic Disease Action Package, Vietnam pioneered a strong OH approach to effectively address early waves of the COVID-19 outbreak in-country. Context and Aim: The repeated surges in COVID-19 in Vietnam challenged the capabilities of the national system and disclosed the gaps in multi-sectoral coordination and resilience. To address this, FHI 360 advocated for the standardization of the OH platform by government actors to increase the resiliency of the system during and post COVID-19. Methods: FHI 360 coordinated technical resources to develop and implement evidence-based OH policies, promoting high-level policy dialogue between the Ministries of Health, Agriculture, and the Environment, and policy research to inform developed policies and frameworks. Through discussions, an OH-building Partnership (OHP) was formed, linking climate change, the environment, and human and animal health. Findings: The OHP Framework created a favorable policy environment within and between sectors, as well as between governments and international health security partners. It also promoted strategic dialogue, resource mobilization, policy advocacy, and integration of international systems with National Steering Committees to ensure accountability and emphasize national ownership. Innovative contribution to policy, practice and/or research: OHP was an effective evidence-based research-to-policy platform linking to the National One Health Strategic Plan (2021-2025). Collectively they serve as a national framework for the implementation and monitoring of OH activities. Through the adoption of policies and plans, the risk of zoonotic pathogens, environmental agent spillover, and antimicrobial resistance can be minimized through strengthening multi-sectoral OH collaboration for health security.

Keywords: one health, national policies, health security, COVID-19, Vietnam

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Authors: Mohammed Alhamed

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This research examines the factors influencing the acceptance and adoption of digital technologies in Saudi Arabia’s government sector by focusing on government employees' attitudes toward digital transformation initiatives. As digital technologies increasingly integrate into public sectors worldwide, there is a requirement to enhance citizen empowerment and government-public interactions as well as understand their impact in unique socio-political contexts like Saudi Arabia. The study aims to explore user attitudes, identify the main challenges, and investigate factors that affect the intention to use digital applications in governmental settings. The study employs a mixed-methods approach by combining quantitative and qualitative data collection to provide a comprehensive view of digital government application adoption. Data was collected through two online surveys administered to 870 government employees and face-to-face semi-structured interviews with 24 participants. This dual approach allows for both statistical analysis and thematic exploration, which provides a deeper understanding of user behaviour, perceived benefits, challenges and attitudes toward these digital applications. Quantitative data were analyzed to identify significant variables influencing adoption, while qualitative responses were coded thematically to uncover recurring themes related to user trust, security, usability and socio-political influences. The results indicate that digital government applications are largely valued for their ability to increase efficiency and accessibility and streamline processes like online documentation and inter-departmental coordination. However, the study highlights that security, privacy, and confidentiality concerns constitute substantial barriers to adoption, with participants calling for stronger cybersecurity measures and data protection policies. Moreover, usability emerged as a key theme that intuitively interfaces in encouraging adoption as respondents emphasized the importance of user-friendly. Additionally, the study found that Saudi Arabia’s unique cultural and organizational dynamics impact acceptance levels with factors like hierarchical structures and varying levels of digital literacy shaping user attitudes. A significant limitation of the study is its exclusive focus on government employees, which may limit the generalizability of the findings to other stakeholder groups, such as the general public. Despite this, the study offers valuable views for policymakers. This, in turn, suggests best practices and guidelines that could enhance the design and implementation of digital government projects. By addressing the identified barriers and leveraging the factors that drive adoption, the study underscores the potential for digital government initiatives to improve efficiency, transparency and responsiveness in Saudi Arabia's public sector. Furthermore, these findings may provide a roadmap for similar countries aiming to adopt digital government solutions within comparable socio-political and economic contexts.

Keywords: acceptance, adoption, digital technologies, digital government, Saudi Arabia

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Authors: Fatih Ercin Guney, Hami Karagol

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Day by day, humanity's energy needs increase, to facilitate access to energy sources by energy importing countries is of great importance in terms of issues both in terms of economic security and political security. The geographical location of the oil exporting countries in the Middle East (Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Libya, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Qatar) today, it is observed that evaluated by emerging Arab Spring(from Tunisia to Egypt) and freedom battles(in Syria) with security issues arise sourced from terrorist activities(ISIS). Progresses related with limited natural resources, energy and it's transportation issues which worries the developing countries, the energy in the region is considered to how to transfer safely. North Region of the Black Sea , the beginning of the conflict in the regional nature formed between Russia and Ukraine (2010), followed by the relevant regions of the power transmission line (From Russia to Europe) the discovery is considered to be the east's hand began to strengthen in terms of both the economical and political sides. With the growing need for safe access to the west of the new energy transmission lines are followed by Turkey, re-interest is considered to be shifted to the Mediterranean and the Middle East by West. Also, Russia, Iran and China (three axis of east) are generally performing as carry out parallel policies about energy , economical side and security in both United Nations Security Council (Two of Five Permanent Members are Russia and China) and Shanghai Cooperation Organization. In addition, Eastern Mediterranean Region Tension are rapidly increasing about research new oil and natural gas sources by Israel, Egypt, Cyprus, Lebanon. This paper provides, new energy corridor(s) are needed to transfer sources (Oil&Natural Gas) by Europe from East to West. So The West needs either safe bridge country to transfer natural sources to Europe in region or is needed to discovery new natural sources in extraterritorial waters of Eastern Mediterranean Region. But in two opportunities are evaluated with secure transfer corridors form region to Europe in safely. Even if the natural sources can be discovered, they are considered to transfer in safe manner. This paper involved, Turkey’s importance as a leader country in region over both of political and safe energy transfer sides as bridge country between south and north of Turkey why natural sources shall be transferred over Turkey, Even if diplomatic issues-For Example; Cyprus membership in European Union, Turkey membership candidate duration, Israel-Cyprus- Egypt-Lebanon researches about new natural sources in Mediterranean - occurred. But politic balance in Middle-East is changing quickly because of lack of democratic governments in region. So it is evaluated that the alliance of natural sources researches may not be long-time relations due to share sources after discoveries. After evaluating over causes and reasons, aim to reach finding foresight about future of region for energy transfer periods in secure manner.

Keywords: Middle East, natural gas, oil, Turkey

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Authors: Heping Dang, Raymond Yu Wang

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The Langcang-Mekong River is the most important international watercourse in mainland Southeast Asia. In recent years, the six riparian states, China, Myanmar, Laos, Thailand, Cambodia and Vietnam, have confronted increasing disputes over the use of the trans-boundary water. To settle these disputes and protect the fundamental right to water, quite a few inter-state mechanisms have been established, such as the Mekong River Commission, the economic cooperation program of the Greater Mekong Subregion, the ‘Belt and Road Initiative’ and the ‘Lancang-Mekong Cooperation Mechanism’ and the ‘Lower Mekong Initiative’. Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) have also been an important and constructive institutional entrepreneur in trans-boundary water governance. Although the status and extent of the right to water are yet to be clearly defined, this paper aims to 1) unpack how the right to water is interpreted and exercised in the Lancang-Mekong River Basin Dispute; and 2) to evaluate the roles of the right to water in settling international water disputes. To achieve these objectives, Secondary data such as archival documents of international law and relevant stakeholders will be compiled for analysis. First-hand information about the organizational structure, accountability, values and strategies of the international mechanisms and NGOs in question will also be collected through fieldwork in the Mekong river basin. Semi-structural interviews, group discussions and participatory observation will be conducted to collect data. The authors have access to the fieldwork because they have abundant experience of collaborating with Mekong-based international NGOs in previous research projects. This research will display how the concepts and principles of international law and the UN guidelines are interpreted in practice. These principles include the definition and extent of the right to water, the practical use of ‘vital human need’, the indicators of ‘adequacy of water’ including ‘availability, quality and accessibility’, and how the right to water is related to the progressive realization of the right to life. This down-to earth research will enrich the theoretical discussion of international law, particularly international human rights law, within the UN framework. Moreover, the outcomes of this research will provide new insights into the roles that the right to water might play in consensus-building and dispute settlement in a rapidly changing context, where water is pivotal for poverty alleviation, biodiversity conservation and the promotion of sustainable livelihoods.

Keywords: international water dispute, Lancang-Mekong River, right to water, state and non-state actors

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Authors: Shreya Goyal

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The study aims to build user-friendly software to understand patient arrival patterns and compute the number of potential patients who will visit a particular health facility for a given period by using a machine learning algorithm. The underlying machine learning algorithm used in this study is the Support Vector Machine (SVM). Accurate prediction of patient arrival allows hospitals to operate more effectively, providing timely and efficient care while optimizing resources and improving patient experience. It allows for better allocation of staff, equipment, and other resources. If there's a projected surge in patients, additional staff or resources can be allocated to handle the influx, preventing bottlenecks or delays in care. Understanding patient arrival patterns can also help streamline processes to minimize waiting times for patients and ensure timely access to care for patients in need. Another big advantage of using this software is adhering to strict data protection regulations such as the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA) in the United States as the hospital will not have to share the data with any third party or upload it to the cloud because the software can read data locally from the machine. The data needs to be arranged in. a particular format and the software will be able to read the data and provide meaningful output. Using software that operates locally can facilitate compliance with these regulations by minimizing data exposure. Keeping patient data within the hospital's local systems reduces the risk of unauthorized access or breaches associated with transmitting data over networks or storing it in external servers. This can help maintain the confidentiality and integrity of sensitive patient information. Historical patient data is used in this study. The input variables used to train the model include patient age, time of day, day of the week, seasonal variations, and local events. The algorithm uses a Supervised learning method to optimize the objective function and find the global minima. The algorithm stores the values of the local minima after each iteration and at the end compares all the local minima to find the global minima. The strength of this study is the transfer function used to calculate the number of patients. The model has an output accuracy of >95%. The method proposed in this study could be used for better management planning of personnel and medical resources.

Keywords: machine learning, SVM, HIPAA, data

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Authors: Ahmad Khoirul Umam

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This paper investigates the role of vested interests and its impacts on anti-corruption agenda in Indonesia following the collapse of authoritarian regime in 1998. A pervasive and rampant corruption has been believed as the main cause of the state economy’s fragility. Hence, anti-corruption measures were implemented by applying democratization and market liberalization since the establishment of a consolidated democracy which go hand in hand with a liberal market economy is convinced to be an efficacious prescription for effective anti-corruption. The reform movement has also mandated the establishment of the independent, neutral and professional special anti-corruption agency namely Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) to more intensify the fight against the systemic corruption. This paper will examine whether these anti-corruption measures have been effective to combat corruption, and investigate to what extend have the anti-corruption efforts, especially those conducted by KPK, been impeded by the emergence of a nexus of vested interests as the side-effect of democratization and market liberalization. Based on interviews with key stakeholders from KPK, other law enforcement agencies, government, prominent scholars, journalists and NGOs in Indonesia, it is found that since the overthrow of Soeharto, anti-corruption movement in the country have become more active and serious. After gradually winning the hearth of people, KPK successfully touched the untouchable corruption perpetrators who were previously protected by political immunity, legal protection and bureaucratic barriers. However, these changes have not necessarily reduced systemic and structural corruption practices. Ironically, intensive and devastating counterattacks were frequently posed by the alignment of business actors, elites of political parties, government, and also law enforcement agencies by hijacking state’s instruments to make KPK deflated, powerless, and surrender. This paper concludes that attempts of democratization, market liberalization and the establishment of anti-corruption agency may have helped Indonesia to reduce corruption. However, it is still difficult to imply that such anti-corruption measures have fostered the more effective anti-corruption works in the newly democratized and weakly regulated liberal economic system.

Keywords: vested interests, democratization, market liberalization, anti-corruption, Indonesia

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Authors: Sadeq Al Yaari, Muhammad Alkhunayn, Sajedah Al Yaari, Adham Al Yaari, Ayman Al Yaari, Montaha Al Yaari, Ayah Al Yaari, Fatehi Eissa

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Dysgraphia is a neurological disorder of written expression that impairs writing ability and fine motor skills, resulting primarily in problems relating not only to handwriting but also to writing coherence and cohesion. We investigate the properties of smart writing technology to highlight some unique features of the effects they cause on the academic performance of pupils with dysgraphia. In Amis, dysgraphics undergo writing problems to express their ideas due to ordinary writing aids, as the default strategy. The Amis data suggests a possible connection between available writing aids and pupils’ writing improvement; therefore, texts’ expression and comprehension. A group of thirteen dysgraphic pupils were placed in a regular classroom of primary school, with twenty-one pupils being recruited in the study as a control group. To ensure validity, reliability and accountability to the research, both groups studied writing courses for two semesters, of which the first was equipped with smart writing aids while the second took place in an ordinary classroom. Two pre-tests were undertaken at the beginning of the first two semesters, and two post-tests were administered at the end of both semesters. Tests examined pupils’ ability to write coherent, cohesive and expressive texts. The dysgraphic group received the treatment of a writing course in the first semester in classes with smart technology and produced significantly greater increases in writing expression than in an ordinary classroom, and their performance was better than that of the control group in the second semester. The current study concludes that using smart teaching aids is a ‘MUST’, both for teaching and learning dysgraphia. Furthermore, it is demonstrated that for young dysgraphia, expressive tasks are more challenging than coherent and cohesive tasks. The study, therefore, supports the literature suggesting a role for smart educational aids in writing and that smart writing techniques may be an efficient addition to regular educational practices, notably in special educational institutions and speech-language therapeutic facilities. However, further research is needed to prompt the adults with dysgraphia more often than is done to the older adults without dysgraphia in order to get them to finish the other productive and/or written skills tasks.

Keywords: smart technology, writing aids, pupils with dysgraphia, hands’ movement

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Authors: Onyinyechi Lilian Uche

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Limiting arbitrariness and political power in governance is expressed in the concept of constitutionalism. Constitutionalism acknowledges the necessity for government but insists upon a limitation being placed upon its powers. It is therefore clear that the essence of constitutionalism is obviation of arbitrariness in governance and maximisation of liberty with adequate and expedient restraint on government. The doctrine of separation of powers accompanied by a system of checks and balances in Nigeria like many other African countries is marked by elements of ‘personal government’ and this has raised questions about whether the apparent separation of powers provided for in the Nigerian Constitution is not just a euphemism for the hegemony of the executive over the other two arms of government; the legislature and the judiciary. Another question raised in the article is whether the doctrine is merely an abstract philosophical inheritance that lacks both content and relevance to the realities of the country and region today? The current happenings in Nigeria and most African countries such as the flagrant disregard of court orders by the Executive, indicate clearly that the concept constitutionalism ordinarily goes beyond mere form and strikes at the substance of a constitution. It, therefore, involves a consideration of whether there are provisions in the constitution which limit arbitrariness in the exercise of political powers by providing checks and balances upon such exercise. These questions underscore the need for Africa to craft its own understanding of the separation of powers between the arms of government in furtherance of good governance as it has been seen that it is possible to have a constitution in place which may just be a mere statement of unenforceable ‘rights’ or may be bereft of provisions guaranteeing liberty or adequate and necessary restraint on exercise of government. This paper seeks to expatiate on the importance of the nexus between constitutionalism and democratic process and a juxtaposition of practices between Nigeria and South Africa. The article notes that an abstract analysis of constitutionalism without recourse to the democratic process is meaningless and also analyses the structure of government of some selected African countries. These are examined the extent to which the doctrine operates within the arms of government and concludes that it should not just be regarded as a general constitutional principle but made rigid or perhaps effective and binding through law and institutional reforms.

Keywords: checks and balances, constitutionalism, democratic process, separation of power

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Authors: Wint Wint Thu, Htet Ko Ko Win, Myat Mon San, Zaw Lin Tun, Nandar Than Aye, Khin Nyein Myat, Hayman Nyo Oo, Nay Aung Lin, Kusum Thapa, Kyaw Htet Aung

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Background: In Myanmar, the intense political instability happened to start in Feb-2021, while the COVID-19 pandemic waves are also threatening the public health system, which subsequently led to severe health sector crisis, including difficulties in accessing maternal and newborn health care for vulnerable women and children. The Remote Pregnant and Newborn Care (RPNC) uses a telehealth approach United States Agency for International Development (USAID)-funded Essential Health Project. Implementation: The Remote Pregnant and Newborn Care (RPNC) service has adapted to the MNCH needs of vulnerable pregnant women and was implemented to mitigate the risk of limited access to essential quality MNH care in Yangon, Myanmar, under women, and the project trained 13 service providers on a telehealth care package for pregnancy and newborn developed Jhpiego to ensure understanding of evidence-based MNCH care practices. The phone numbers of the pregnant women were gathered through the preexisting and functioning community volunteers, who reach the most vulnerable pregnant women in the project's targeted area. A total of 212 pregnant women have been reached by service providers for RPNC during the implementation period. The trained service providers offer quality antenatal and postnatal care, including newborn care, via telephone calls. It includes 24/7 incoming calls and time-allotted outgoing calls to the pregnant women during antenatal and postnatal periods, including the newborn care. The required data were collected daily in time with the calls, and the quality of the medical services is made assured with the track of the calls, ensuring data privacy and patient confidentiality. Lessons learned: The key lessons are 1) cost-effectiveness: RPNC service could reduce out of pocket expenditure of pregnant women as it only costs 1.6 United States dollars (USD) per one telehealth call while it costs 8 to 10 USD per one time in-person care service at private service providers, including transportation cost, 2) network of care: telehealth call could not replace the in-person antenatal and postnatal care services, and integration of telehealth calls with in-person care by local healthcare providers with the support of the community is crucial for accessibility to essential MNH services by poor and vulnerable women, and 3) sharing information on health access points: most of the women seem to have financial barriers in accessing private health facilities while public health system collapse and telehealthcare could provide information on low-cost facilities and connect women to relevant health facilities. These key lessons are important for future efforts regarding the implementation of remote pregnancy and newborn care in Myanmar, especially during the political crisis and COVID-19 pandemic situation.

Keywords: telehealth, accessibility, maternal care, newborn care

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Authors: Galit Truman Zinman

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The 'Islamic State' (IS) is one of the most successful jihadist groups in the modern history. The 'Islamic State' strives to realize the idea of erasing the borders between Muslim countries and establishing a wide Islamic caliphate. The 'Islamic State' is based on religious unity and opposition to existing political order. In this paper, the main argument is that the 'Islamic State' is characterized by two significant tendencies of state-building: preservation and change. The methodology of this study is based on the process tracing method and the analysis of primary sources: decisions, announcements and speeches of religious leaders of the Islamic State, slogans, rituals and symbols, audio and video clips produced by the Al-Hayat Media Center, films distributed on YouTube, as well as the content analysis of Dabiq`s articles (IS official Journal) and nasheeds (jihadi songs). The major findings of this study indicate that in practice the 'Islamic State' uses the same socio-political functions typical to the modern state (preservation), but introduces a different religious-ideological content (change). On the one hand, there is a preservation of the principles of existing modern state. Even with the rejection of secularization, globalization, and nationalism, there is an establishment of typical modern nation-state patterns. It is still a state entity, which has an ideological infrastructure, territory, population, governance and a monopoly on the use of violence, security services, justice system, tax collection, etc. All these functions characterize the modern state, and despite the desire of the 'Islamic State' to create a new kind of state, it reminds patterns of the typical modern nation-state. As for the religious-ideological content of the new state, here we can see a tendency of great change. The 'Islamic State' aims to create an Islamic caliphate which would allow the establishment of religious law and order, under a big commitment to return civilization to a seventh-century environment. The 'Islamic State' favors the fight against Western culture and its liberal ideology. It supports the struggle for global jihad against the unbelievers. Today, despite the territorial 'contraction' and the undermining of the organization's governance in Iraq and Syria, the 'Islamic State' continues to maintain its brand among jihadist activists around the world.

Keywords: Islamic State, Islamic caliphate, modern nation-state, religious law and order

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Authors: J. Tochukwu Omenma

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Buzzword in Nigeria is that democracy has “come to stay”. Politicians in their usual euphoria consider democracy as already consolidated in the country. Politicians linked this assumption to three fundamental indicators – (a) multiparty system; (b) regular elections and (c) absence of military coup after 15 years of democracy in Nigeria. Beyond this assumption, we intend to empirically verify these claims and assumptions, by relying on Huntington’s conceptualization of democratic consolidation. Though, Huntington asserts that multipartism, regular elections and absence of any major obstacle leading to reversal of democracy are significant indicators of democratic consolidation, but the presence of those indicators must result to alternation of executive power for democratic consolidation to occur. In other words, regular conduct of election and existence of multiple political parties are not enough for democratic consolidation, rather free and fair elections. Past elections were characterized of massive fraud and irregularities casting doubts on integrity of electoral management body (EMB) to conduct free and fair elections in Nigeria. There are three existing perspectives that have offered responses to the emasculation of independence of EMB. One is a more popular position indicating that the incumbent party, more than the opposition party, influence the EMB activities with the aim of rigging elections; the other is a more radical perspective that suggests that weakening of EMB power is more associated with the weakest party than with the incumbent; and the last, is that godfather(s) are in direct control of EMB members thereby controlling the process of electoral process to the advantage of the godfather(s). With empirical evidence sourced from the reports of independent election monitors, (European Union, Election Observation Mission in Nigeria) this paper shows at different electoral periods that, in terms of influencing election outcomes, the incumbent and godfather have been more associated with influencing election results than the opposition. The existing nature of executive power in Nigeria provides a plausible explanation for the incumbent’s overbearing influence thereby limiting opportunity for free and fair elections and by extension undermining the process of democratic consolidation in Nigeria.

Keywords: political party, democracy, democratic consolidation, election, godfatherism

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Authors: Muuz Abraha Meshesha

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Illegal Migration, specifically Trafficking in person is one of the primary issues of the day affecting all states of the world with variation on the extent of the root causes and consequences that led people to migrate irregularly and the consequences it is costing on humanity. This paper intends to investigate the root causes and consequences of illegal migration in Ethiopia’s Tigray Regional state and come up with alternative intervening strategy. To come up with pertinent and robust research finding, this study employed mixed research approach involving qualitative and quantitative data in line with purposive and snow ball sampling selection technique. The study revealed that, though poverty is the most commonly sensed pushing factor for people to illegally migrate, the issue of psycho-social orientation and attitudinal immersion of the local community for illegal migration, both in thinking and action is the most pressing problem that urges serious intervention. Trafficking in persons and Illegal migration in general, is becoming the norm of the day in the study area that overtly reveal illegal migration is an issue beyond livelihood securing demand in practice. Basically, parties engaged in illegal migration and the accomplice with human traffickers these days in the study area are found to be more than urgency for food security and a need to escape from livelihood impoverishment. Therefore, this study come up with a new paradigm insight indicating that illegal migration is believed by the local community members as an optional path way of doing business in illegal way while the attitude of the community and officials authorized to regulate is being part of the channel or to the least tolerant of this grave global danger. The study also found that the effect of illegal migration is significantly manifested in long run than in short term periods. Therefore, a need for critical consideration on attitudinal based intervention and youth oriented and enforceable legal and policy framework accountability framework is required to face and control illegal migration by international, national, local stakeholders. Besides this, economy based development interventions that could engage and reorient the youth, as primary victims of trafficking, and expansion of large scale projects that can employ large number of youths at a time.

Keywords: human traficking, illegal migration, migration, tigray region

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Authors: Danny Mwangi, Collins Oduor Ondiek

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Mass mobility is one of the most important characteristics of every industrialized civilization. Man must travel about in order to fulfill his commitment to putting food on his table. As a result, movement is an important part of human life. Man must travel from one place to another. This is a natural trait of humans, according to elementary science. Variables in human mobility have arisen as a result of technological advancements over time. Public transit is one of these modes of transportation. When it comes to reducing safety-related risks in the public transport system, awareness is crucial. So much so even when it comes to public transportation in Kenya. Having a system that can be able to keep users updated with real-time traffic updates on the route, they are on and also have the ability to rate drivers after a trip could go a long way in improving safety on Kenyan roads. What this proposed system is intended to accomplish is to reduce occurrences of reckless driving and give matatu drivers the feeling that they are accountable to someone and more so have the incentive to be better drivers who are motivated to follow the law and have passenger safety as a priority. The research was conducted, and the findings show that 95.2% of respondents were not satisfied with the current safety measures in the Kenyan public transport sector. This means that the chances for this system to be accepted in the market are high because it addresses a key issue. 98.8% of the respondents were of the opinion that the implementation of the proposed system would significantly increase safety measures in the public transport sector. During the research, it was clear that the main challenge 77.1% of the respondents face when using public transport is that there is no way to monitor driver safety performance, and 68.7% of the respondent believed the widespread use of unroadworthy public transit vehicles contributed to the lack of safety when using public transport. However, 77.1% of the respondents expect the benefit of creating a sense of accountability for the drivers, and 74.7% of the respondents expect the benefit of increased passenger safety. 63.9% believe that with the implementation of the system, there will be the benefit of monitoring driver performance. This shows that with the implementation of the proposed system, it will be possible to make a lot of progress in terms of making Kenyan roads safer when using public transit. According to the findings, it is recommended that this proposed public transportation safety awareness system be implemented as it will be able to address matatu passengers' safety concerns while also encouraging matatu drivers to drive more carefully. As a result, it's a project with a chance of becoming viable, marketable, and feasible.

Keywords: public safety, public transportation, accountable driving, safe transportation

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Authors: Ismahane Emma Karima Bessi

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Military sociology is largely avoided. Discussing the military as a societal phenomenon and the social dimensions of war and peace is now considered a disgraceful and neglected province of social science that has a major impact on global populations. The first official press war began with William Howard Russell in the mid-19th century. The media are crucial to war and peace. Even Gaius Julius Caesar, with his "commentarii bello gallico", was a media tool to influence his warfare. Napoleon Bonaparte also knew how important the press was for his actions. This shows how important history is for crisis and war journalism. The one-sided media coverage that every country is confronted with ultimately prevents people from having a certain interest in the truth and from gross knowledge gaps in order to get an accurate picture of reality. There is a need to examine the relationship between the military, war, and the media to look at the modality in which the media is involved in military conflicts, in this case, as an adjunct, i.e., war because of the media. These are promoted or initiated by the following factors: photos intended for the visual manipulation of the population, the pressure from politicians and parties who are urging and exerting their influence on the global media to share the same pattern of opinion, and, most importantly, the media profiting from the war by listening to popular reactions and passing them on promoting with new visuals. These influence political elections. The media occupies a huge and ubiquitous part of the population. These have the ability to make a country that is in constant crisis and war mode appear in a brilliant light of peace. An article or photograph taken by one journalist has a tremendous impact as it can control the minds of millions of people. Most wars currently have state-political reasons. The parties, therefore, want to have their (potential) voters on their side, who are inflated by the media. The military is loathed or loved. Thinking must be created that a well-trained military in the instances of natural sciences, history, and sociology can save or protect the lives of many people. Theoretical methods for this are defined and evaluated in more detail in this paper.

Keywords: war, history, military, science, journalism, crisis

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Authors: Larysa Novak-Kalyayeva, Aleksander Kuczabski, Orystlava Sydorchuk, Nataliia Fersman, Tatyana Zemlinskaia

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The article presents the results of the creative analysis and comparison of trends in the development of the theory of public administration during the period from the second half of the 20^th to the beginning of the 21^st century. The process of conceptualization of the priorities of public administration in the dynamics of reforming was held under the influence of such factors as globalization, integration, information and technological changes and human rights is examined. The priorities of the social state in the concepts of the second half of the 20^th century are studied. Peculiar approaches to determining the priorities of public administration in the countries of "Soviet dictatorship" in Central and Eastern Europe in the same period are outlined. Particular attention is paid to the priorities of public administration regarding the interaction between public power and society and the development of conceptual foundations for the modern managerial process. There is a thought that the dynamics of the formation of concepts of the European governance is characterized by the sequence of priorities: from socio-economic and moral-ethical to organizational-procedural and non-hierarchical ones. The priorities of the "welfare state" were focused on the decent level of material wellbeing of population. At the same time, the conception of "minimal state" emphasized priorities of human responsibility for their own fate under the conditions of minimal state protection. Later on, the emphasis was placed on horizontal ties and redistribution of powers and competences of "effective state" with its developed procedures and limits of responsibility at all levels of government and in close cooperation with the civil society. The priorities of the contemporary period are concentrated on human rights in the concepts of "good governance" and all the following ones, which recognize the absolute priority of public administration with compliance, provision and protection of human rights. There is a proved point of view that civilizational changes taking place under the influence of information and technological imperatives also stipulate changes in priorities, redistribution of emphases and update principles of managerial concepts on the basis of publicity, transparency, departure from traditional forms of hierarchy and control in favor of interactivity and inter-sectoral interaction, decentralization and humanization of managerial processes. The necessity to permanently carry out the reorganization, by establishing the interaction between different participants of public power and social relations, to establish a balance between political forces and social interests on the basis of mutual trust and mutual understanding determines changes of social, political, economic and humanitarian paradigms of public administration and their theoretical comprehension. The further studies of theoretical foundations of modern public administration in interdisciplinary discourse in the context of ambiguous consequences of the globalizational and integrational processes of modern European state-building would be advisable. This is especially true during the period of political transformations and economic crises which are the characteristic of the contemporary Europe, especially for democratic transition countries.

Keywords: concepts of public administration, democratic transition countries, human rights, the priorities of public administration, theory of public administration

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Authors: Zelalem B. Gurmessa, Ignatius W. Ferreira, Henry F. Wissink

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The aim of this paper is to critically examine the factors contributing to academic brain drain in the Sub-Saharan Africa with specific reference to the higher education sector. Africa in general and Sub-Saharan African (SSA) countries, in particular, are experiencing an exodus of highly trained, qualified and competent human resources to other developing and developed countries thereby threatening the overall development of the relevant regions and impeding both public and private service delivery systems in the nation states. The region is currently in a dire situation in terms of health care services, education, science, and technology. The contribution of SSA countries to Science, Technology and Innovation is relatively minimal owing to the migration of skilled professionals due to both push and pull factors. The phenomenon calls for both international and trans-boundary, regional, national and institutional interventions to curb the exodus. Based on secondary data and the review of the literature, the article conceptualizes the antecedents and impacts of human capital flight or brain drain in the SSA countries from a higher education perspective. To this end, the article explores the magnitude, causes, and impacts of brain drain in the region. Despite the lack of consistent data on the magnitude of academic brain drain in the region, a critical analysis of the existing sources shows that pay disparity between developing and developed countries, the lack of enabling working conditions at source countries, fear of security due to political turmoil or unrest, the availability of green pastures and opportunity for development in the receiving countries were identified as major factors contributing to academic brain drain in the region. This hampers the socio-economic, technological and political development of the region. The paper also recommends that further research can be undertaken on the magnitude, causes, characteristics and impact of brain drain on the sustainability and competitiveness of SSA higher education institutions in the region.

Keywords: brain drain, higher education, sub-Saharan Africa, sustainable development

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Authors: Etibar Guliyev

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The breakdown of the Soviet Union in 1991 has led to a considerable rise in the religious self-consciousness of Muslim population of the Central Asia. Additionally, huge amount of money spent by various states further facilitated the spread of religious ideas. According to some sources, Saudi Arabia spent 87 billion dollars to propagate Wahhabism abroad during two decades, whereas the Communist Party of the Soviet Union spent just over 7 billion dollars to spread its ideology worldwide between 1921 and 1991. As the result, today once a remote area from international politics has turned into third major source of recruitment of fighters for global terrorist organizations. In order to illustrate to scope of the involvement of the Central Asian residents in international terrorist networks it is enough to mention the name of Colonel Gulmorod Khalimov, the former head of the Tajik special police forces who served as ISIS war minister between 2016 and 2017. The importance of the topic stems from the fact that the above-mentioned republics with a territory of 4 million square km and the population of around 80 million people borders Russia, Iran Afghanistan and China. Moreover, the fact that political and military activities motivated with religious feelings in those countries have implications not only for domestic but also for regional and global political relations and all of them has root in politics of religions adds value to the research. This research aims to provide an in-depth analyses of the marked features of the state policies to regulate religious activities and approach this question both from individual, domestic, regional and global levels of analyses. The research will enable us to better understand what implications have the state of religious freedom in post-Soviet Muslim republics for international relations and the rise of global jihadi terrorism. The paper tries to find a linkage between the mentioned terror attacks and underground rise of religious extremism in Central Asia. This research is based on multiple research methods, mainly on qualitative one. The process tracing method is also employed to review religious policies implemented from 1918-1991 and after the collapse of the Soviet Union in a chronological way. In terms of the quantitative method, it chiefly will be used in a bid to process various statistics disseminated in academic and official sources. The research mostly explored constructivist, securitization and social movement theories. Findings of the research suggests that the endemic problems peculiar to authoritarian regimes of Central Asia such as crackdown on the expression of religious believe and any kind of opposition, economic decline, instrumental use of religion and corruption and tribalism further accelerated the recruitment problem. Paper also concludes that the Central Asian states in some cases misused counter-terrorism campaign as a pretext to further restrict freedom of faith in their respective countries.

Keywords: identity, political Islam, religious extremism, security, terrorism

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Authors: Md. Mustakimur Rahman

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On the one hand, while dealing with temporally distant international crimes (TDICs), prosecutors are likely to encounter many defendants suffering from severe physical or mental disorders. The concept of a defendant's "fitness," on the other hand, is based on the notion that an alleged perpetrator must be protected from a conviction resulting from a lack of participation or competence in making proper judgments. As a result, if a defendant is temporarily or permanently mentally ill, going through a formal criminal trial may be highly unlikely. TheExtraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia(ECCC), for example, arrested and tried IengThirth for crimes against humanity, grave breaches of the 1949 Geneva Conventions, and genocide. Still, the Trial Chamber found her incompetent to stand trial and released her in 2011. Although the prosecution had a lot of evidence against her, she was free from prosecution. It suggests that alleged war criminals may be granted immunity due to their unfitness, implying that unfitness is a hurdle to combating impunity. Given the absence of a formal criminal trial, international criminal law (ICL) should take steps to address this issue. ICL, according to Mark A. Drumbl, has yet to develop its penology; hence it borrows penological rationales from domestic criminal law. For example, international crimes tribunals such as the Nuremberg Tribunal and the Tokyo Tribunal, ad hoc tribunals have used retribution, utilitarianism, and rehabilitation as punishment justifications. On the other hand, like in the case of IengThirth, a criminal trial may not always be feasible. As a result, instead of allowing impunity, this paper proposes informal trials. This paper, for example, suggests two approaches to dealing with unfit defendants: 1) trial without punishment and 2) punishment without trial. Trial without punishment is a unique method of expressing condemnation without incarceration. "Expressivism has a broader basis than communication of punishment and sentencing," says Antony Duff. According to Drumbl, we can untangle our understanding of punishment from "the iconic preference for jailhouses" to include a larger spectrum of non-incarcerative measures like "recrimination, shame, consequence, and sanction." Non-incarcerative measures allow offenders to be punished without going through a formal criminal trial. This strategy denotes accountability for unlawful behavior. This research concludes that in many circumstances, prosecuting elderly war crimes suspects is difficult or unfeasible, but their age or illness should not be grounds for impunity. They should be accountable for their heinous activities through criminal trials or other mechanisms.

Keywords: international criminal law, international criminal punishment, international crimes tribunal, temporally distant international crimes

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Authors: Girma Y. Iyassu Menelik

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The international community has gone through indescribable atrocities resulting from acts of war. These atrocities turned Europe and Africa into a wilderness of bloodshed and crime. In the period 1960- 1970s Africa witnessed unprecedented and well-documented assaults on life and property. This necessitated the adoption, signing and ratification of the International Criminal Court, establishment of the International Court of Justice which is a great achievement for the protection and fulfilling of human rights in the context of international political instability. The ICC came as an important opportunity to advance justice for serious crimes committed in violation of international law. Thus the Rome statute has become a formidable contribution to peace and security. There are concerns that the ICC is targeting African states. However, the ICC cannot preside over cases that are not parties to the Rome statute unless the UN Security council refers the situation or the relevant state asks the court to become involved. The instable international political situation thus deals with criminal prosecutions where amnesty is not permissible or is strongly repudiated. The court has become important justice instruments for states that are unable or unwilling to fulfill their obligation to address legacies of massive human rights violations. The ICJ as a court has a twofold role; to settle legal disputes submitted to it by states, and to give advisory opinions on legal questions referred to it by duly authorized United Nations organs and specialized agencies. All members of the UN are ipso facto parties to the statute of the ICJ. The court gives advisory opinion on any legal question. These courts are the most appropriate fora to pronounce on international crimes and are in a better position to know and apply international law. Cases that have been brought to the courts include Rwanda’s genocide, Liberia’s Charles Taylor etc. The receptiveness and cooperation of the local populations are important to the courts and if the ICC and ICJ can provide appropriate protections for the physical and economic safety of victims then peace and human rights observance can be attained. This paper will look into the effectiveness and impediments of these courts in handling criminal and injustices in international politics as while as what needs to be done to strengthen the capacity of these courts.

Keywords: ICC, international politics, justice, UN security council, violence, protection, fulfilling

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Authors: Louk Aourelien Andrianos, Edward Dommen, Athena Peralta

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Greed, as epitomized by overconsumption of natural resources, is at the root of ecological destruction and unsustainability of modern societies. Presently economies rely on unrestricted structural greed which fuels unlimited economic growth, overconsumption, and individualistic competitive behavior. Structural greed undermines the life support system on earth and threatens ecological integrity, social justice and peace. The World Council of Churches (WCC) has developed a program on ecological and economic justice (EEJ) with the aim to promote an economy of life where the economy is embedded in society and society in ecology. This paper aims at analyzing and assessing the economy of life (EcoLife) by offering an empirical tool to measure and monitor the root causes and effects of unsustainability resulting from human greed on global, national, institutional and individual levels. This holistic approach is based on the integrity of ecology and economy in a society founded on justice. The paper will discuss critical questions such as ‘what is an economy of life’ and ‘how to measure and control it from the effect of greed’. A model called GLIMS, which stands for Greed Lines and Indices Measurement System is used to clarify the concept of greed and help measuring the economy of life index by fuzzy logic reasoning. The inputs of the model are from statistical indicators of natural resources consumption, financial realities, economic performance, social welfare and ethical and political facts. The outputs are concrete measures of three primary indices of ecological, economic and socio-political greed (ECOL-GI, ECON-GI, SOCI-GI) and one overall multidimensional economy of life index (EcoLife-I). EcoLife measurement aims to build awareness of an economy life and to address the effects of greed in systemic and structural aspects. It is a tool for ethical diagnosis and policy making.

Keywords: greed line, sustainability indicators, fuzzy logic, eco-justice, World Council of Churches (WCC)

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Authors: Farzane Yusef Ghanbari

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A sociological analysis on the ancient poetry of Vis and Ramin reveals important points about the political, cultural, and social conditions of the Iranian ancient history. The reciprocal relationship between the effect and structure of society helps the understanding and interpretation of the work. Therefore, informed by the Goldman genetic structuralism and through a glance at social epistemology, this study attempts to explain the role of spell in shaping the social knowledge of ancient people. The results suggest that due to the lack of a central government, and secularism in politics and freedom of speech and opinion, such romantic stories as Vis and Ramin, with a focal female character, has emerged.

Keywords: persian literature, Vis and Ramin, sociology, developmental structuralism

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Authors: Alice Brites, Gerd Sparovek, Jean Paul Metzger, Ricardo Rodrigues

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The segregation between science and policy in decision making process hinders nature conservation efforts worldwide. Scientists have been criticized for not producing information that leads to effective solutions for environmental problems. In an attempt to bridge this gap between science and practice, we conducted a project aimed at supporting the implementation of the Brazilian Native Vegetation Protection Law (NVPL) implementation in São Paulo State (SP), Brazil. To do so, we conducted multiple open meetings with the stakeholders involved in this discussion. Throughout this process, we raised stakeholders' demands for scientific information and brought feedbacks about our findings. However, our main scientific advice was not taken into account during the NVPL implementation in SP. The NVPL has a mechanism that exempts landholders who converted native vegetation without offending the legislation in place at the time of the conversion from restoration requirements. We found out that there were no accurate spatialized data for native vegetation cover before the 1960s. Thus, the initial benchmark for the mechanism application should be the 1965 Brazilian Forest Act. Even so, SP kept the 1934 Brazilian Forest Act as the initial legal benchmark for the law application. This decision implies the use of a probabilistic native vegetation map that has uncertainty and subjectivity as its intrinsic characteristics, thus its use can lead to legal queries, corruption, and an unfair benefit application. But why this decision was made even after the scientific advice was vastly divulgated? We raised some possible reasons to explain it. First, the decision was made during a government transition, showing that circumstantial political events can overshadow scientific arguments. Second, the debate about the NVPL in SP was not pacified and powerful stakeholders could benefit from the confusion created by this decision. Finally, the native vegetation protection mechanism is a complex issue, with many technical aspects that can be hard to understand for a non-specialized courtroom, such as the one that made the final decision at SP. This example shows that science and decision-makers still have a long way ahead to improve their way to interact and that science needs to find its way to be heard above the political buzz.

Keywords: Brazil, forest act, science-based dialogue, science-policy interface

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Authors: Cait M. Henry, Sarah Jackson

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Abstract-This study is built from the culmination of four years of research into the cultural interpretation of Civil War heritage at a National Park Service (NPS) site, namely the Manassas National Battlefield Park, within an increasingly contentious political landscape surrounding the U.S. Civil War. Originating as questions regarding the relevancy of historic battlefields to the current culture within the United States soon evolved into more philosophical questions about what it means to feel welcome at a battlefield site, and what are considered appropriate actions and behaviors at what was once a mass gravesite. In trying to answer these questions, this work aims to critically analyze the confluence between the cultural authority of the NPS and collective memories of the U.S. Civil War. Operationalizing trauma as repeated violent acts within public spaces, the authors posit that the normalization of violence from white or white-passing men partially stems from the glorification of heroic white masculinity at National Park Service Civil War battlefield sites—especially those which also commemorate Confederate military strategy and prowess. From here the study moves outward to focus on the prevalence of heroic white masculinity within the nation’s current social zeitgeist, and particularly the notion that to take back masculinity one must utilize violence as a means of symbolic restoration from perceptions of white victimhood. The study ends with case studies of dark tourism framing at international battlefields as models for expanding heritage interpretation at the NPS site to foster narratives of empathy and responsibility within an increasingly contentious political landscape within the United States of America. Visitors do not leave Manassas National Battlefield Park with answers about the social and moral implications of the U.S. Civil War, but the tools for championing their own (predominantly white) heroic masculinity. As such, it is only logical that one common reaction when masculinity is symbolically threatened is to enact violence against Others as a restorative force within the United States.

Keywords: confederate heritage, military history, national park service, trauma, United States civil war

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