Search results for: islamic political parties

Authors: Mariam Farah

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With the beginning of the 21 century, female Arab directors entered the industry of cinema in Israel. Before their entrance, the Palestinian cinema, directed in Israel and in other places in the world, was defined as political-masculine cinema. The recent research wonders if the entrance of female directors to the Arab-Israeli cinema brings a new, feminist and un- common discourse, just like female directors movies in other cultures. The research also examines which gendered, social and political identities or statements do the Arab female directors reveal in their works, and what do they say about their real life? In order to get answers to the previous questions, the paper conducts a narrative comparative research between movies that was directed by female and male Arab-Israeli directors. The narrative research examines specific categories in each movie such as: main topic, women role, women appearance and women characteristics. The findings show that a new discourse replaces the political-masculine traditional discourse in the Palestinian cinema. Female Arab directors in Israel leave aside the main theme in Palestinian movies: the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and replace it with new themes related to women lives and reality. Women in female directors movies are presented within non-traditional, empowering, and feminist identities: independent, strong, and active women.

Keywords: feminism, gender, women presentation, women roles

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Authors: Syed Toqueer, Omer Younus

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Terrorism, today, has emerged as a global menace with Pakistan being the most adversely affected state. Therefore, the motive behind this study is to empirically establish the linkage of terrorism with socio-economic (uneven income distribution, poverty and unemployment) and political nexuses so that a policy recommendation can be put forth to better approach this issue in Pakistan. For this purpose, the study employs two competing models, namely, the distributed lag model and OLS, so that findings of the model may be consolidated comprehensively, over the reference period of 1984-2012. The findings of both models are indicative of the fact that uneven income distribution of Pakistan is rather a contributing factor towards terrorism when measured through GDP per capita. This supports the hypothesis that immiserizing modernization theory is applicable for the state of Pakistan where the underprivileged are marginalized. Results also suggest that other socio-economic variables (poverty, unemployment and consumer confidence) can condense the brutality of terrorism once these conditions are catered to and improved. The rational of opportunity cost is at the base of this argument. Poor conditions of employment and poverty reduces the opportunity cost for individuals to be recruited by terrorist organizations as economic returns are considerably low and thus increasing the supply of volunteers and subsequently increasing the intensity of terrorism. The argument of political freedom as a means of lowering terrorism stands true. The more the people are politically repressed the more alternative and illegal means they will find to make their voice heard. Also, the argument that politically transitioning economy faces more terrorism is found applicable for Pakistan. Finally, the study contributes to an ongoing debate on which of the two set of factors are more significant with relation to terrorism by suggesting that socio-economic factors are found to be the primary causes of terrorism for Pakistan.

Keywords: terrorism, socioeconomic conditions, political freedom, distributed lag model, ordinary least square

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Authors: E. K. Linsenmayer

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Traditional international relations theorists define state security, the principal national interest, as a state’s military force. However, many political theorists argue the current definition of security is not comprehensive and therefore, problematic. This paper argues that women’s physical security is not only linked but also necessary to achieve state security. In today’s unipolar political international system, the United States continues to accredit national security to its military. However, in one of the most militarized countries, women remain insecure. Through a case study method of the United States, this paper illuminates a necessary political prescription: the empowerment of women through an inside-out, feminist theoretical approach that makes state security attainable. The research through empirical testing, drawing from several databases, shows the positive effects of women’s physical security on state security. Women’s physical security is defined in terms of equal legal practices, health, education, and female representation in the government. State security is measured by the relative peace of a state, its involvement in conflict and a state’s relations with neighboring states. This paper shows that empowering women, 50% of the world’s population, is necessary for ending the current vicious circle of militarization, war, and insecurity. Without undoing gender power dynamics at the individual and societal level, security at all levels remains unattainable.

Keywords: gender inequality, politics, state security, women's security

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Authors: Norbert Tomaszewski

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Modern politicians tend to resign from the traditional media as Web 2.0 tools allow them to interact with a much bigger audience while spending less money on their campaign. Current studies on this subject prove that in order to win the elections, the candidate needs to show his personal side during the campaign to appeal to the voter as an average citizen. Because of that, the internet user may engage in the politician's campaign by spreading his message along with his followers. The aim of the study is to determine how did the Democratic candidates use the Web 2.0 tools during the 2018 midterm elections campaign and whether they managed to succeed. Taking into consideration the fact that the United States as a country, has always set important milestones for the political marketing as a field of science, the result of the research can set some examples on how to manage the modern internet campaign in less developed countries.

Keywords: political campaign, midterm elections, social media, Web 2.0

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Authors: Raiya Kishwar Ashraf

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The National University, the largest public educational institution in Bangladesh, recently made it mandatory for all students to study a course in Bangladesh‘s history of the 1971 Liberation War. This introduction was accompanied by massive political, financial and academic movement that allocated resources towards achieving greater awareness of the country‘s spirit, goals of liberation and patriotism among the youth. This study argues that the infrastructure and political economy around the course heavily politicizes the education system and more specifically the teaching and learning the process. By conducting a qualitative study in three affiliated colleges under the National University, this study aimed to explore the extent to which politicization affected higher education curriculum, especially history education in Bangladesh. The findings revealed significant levels of politicization and structural constraints present in the process that restricts the teacher and student engagement with course materials. The results of this study are useful for curriculum designers and higher education teachers and staffs who wish to develop content and deliver education that promotes critical inquiry among students. The findings further shed light on the importance of identifying and addressing political influences in education curriculum and programme development.

Keywords: Bangladesh higher education, critical thinking, curriculum politicization, history curriculum, National University, teaching-learning method

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Authors: Ana Luiza Aranha

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This paper contributes to the discussions that consider corruption as a challenge to the establishment of more democratically inclusive societies in Latin America. The paper advocates an intrinsic connection between democratic principles and corruption control – it is only possible to achieve just forms of democratic life if accountability institutions are able to control corruption, and therefore control the political exclusions that it brings. Departing from a non-trivial approach to corruption, and recognizing a gap in democratic theory when thinking about this phenomenon, corruption is understood as the breakdown of the democratic inclusive rule, whereby political decisions are made (and actions were taken) in spite of those potentially affected by them. Based on this idea, this paper proposes a new way of measuring corruption, moving away from usual aggregate measures – such as the Corruption Perception Index – and case studies of corruption scandals. The main argument sustains that corruption is intrinsically connected with the ability to be accountable and to provide public justification for the political conduct. The point advocated is that corruption involves a dimension of political exclusion. It generates a private benefit which is, from a democratic point of view, illegitimate, since it benefits some at the expense of the decisions made by the political community. Corruption is then a form of exclusion based on deception and opacity - for corruption, there is no plausible justification. Empirically, the paper uses the audit reports produced by the Brazilian anti-corruption agency (the CGU - Office of the Comptroller General) in its Inspections From Public Lotteries Program to exemplify how we can use this definition to separate corruption cases from mismanagement irregularities. On one side, there is poor management and inefficiencies, and, on the other, corruption, defined by the implausibility of public justifications – because the public officials would have to publicize illegitimate privileges and undue advantages. CGU reports provide the justifications given by the public officials for the irregularities found and also the acceptance or not by the control agency of these justifications. The analysis of this dialogue – between public officials and control agents – makes it possible to divide the irregularities on those that can be publicly justified versus those that cannot. In order to hold public officials accountable for their actions, making them responsible for the exclusions that they may cause (such as corruption), the accountability institutions fulfil an important role in reinforcing and empowering democracy and its basic inclusive condition.

Keywords: accountability, brazil, corruption, democracy

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Authors: Neisha Shepherd

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In Australia, an independent children's lawyer is appointed to represent a child in parenting disputes in the Federal Circuit and Family Court of Australia, where there are complex issues such as child protection, family violence, high conflict, relocation, and parental alienation. The appointment of an Independent Children's Lawyer is to give effect in the family law proceedings of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, in particular Article 3.1, 12.1, and 12.2. There is a strong focus on alternative dispute resolution in the Australian Family Law jurisdiction in matters that are before the Court that has formed part of the case management pathways. An Independent Children's Lawyer's role is even more crucial in assisting families in resolving the most complex parenting disputes through mediation as they are required to act impartial and be independent of the Court and the parties. A child has the right to establish a professional relationship with the Independent Children's Lawyer. This relationship is usually established over a period of time, and the child is afforded the opportunity to talk about their views and wishes and participate in decisions that affect them. In considering the views and wishes of the child, the Independent Children's lawyer takes into account the different emotional, cognitive, and intellectual developmental levels, family structures, family dynamics, sibling relationships, religious and cultural backgrounds; and that children are vulnerable to external pressures when caught in disputes involving their parents. With the increase of child-inclusive mediations being used to resolve family disputes in the best interests of a child, an Independent Children's Lawyer can have a critical role in this process with the specialised skills that they have working with children in the family law jurisdiction. This paper will discuss how inclusive child mediation with the assistance of an Independent Children's Lawyer can assist in the resolution of some of the most complex parenting disputes by examining through case studies: the effectiveness and challenges of such an approach; strategies to work with child clients, adolescents, and sibling groups; ways to provide feedback regarding a child's views and wishes and express a child's understanding, actual experiences and perspective to parties in a mediation and whether it is appropriate to do so; strategies and examples to assist in developing parenting plans or orders that are in the best interest of a child that is workable and achievable; how to deal with cases that involve serious child protection and family violence and strategies to ensure that child safety is paramount; the importance of feedback to the child client. Finally this paper will explore some of the challenges for Independent Children's Lawyers in relation to child-inclusive mediations where matters do not resolve.

Keywords: child inclusive mediation, independent children's lawyer, family violence, child protection

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Authors: George McMillan

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This paper introduces the methodology to create a baseline equation for the philosophical and social sciences in the behavioral-political-economic-demographic sequence. The two major ideological political-economic philosophies (Hume-Smith and Marx-Engels) are systematized into competing integrated three dimensional behavioral-political-economic models. The paper argues that Hume-Smith’s empathy-sympathy behavioral assumptions are a sufficient starting point to create the integrated causal model sought by Tooby and Cosmides. The author then shows that the prerequisite advances in psychology and demographic studies now exist to generate the universal economic theory sought by von Neumann-Morgenstern and the integrated behavioral-economic method of Gintis—a psychological (i.e., behavioral) socio-economic model. By updating Hume-Smith’s work with a modern understanding of psychology, as presented by Fromm and others, a new integrated societal model as postulated by Harsanyi can be created that intertwines the social and psychological sciences. The author argues that this fundamentally psychology-based model also can serve as a baseline equation for all social sciences as desired by Kant and Mach, as well as the ahistorical (psychological) philosophic model noted by Husserl, Heidegger, Tillich, and Strauss. The author concludes with a discussion of the necessary next steps to generating a detailed model that fuses these disciplines.

Keywords: Unified Social Theory

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Authors: Daisyree S. Arrieta

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The purpose of this study was to assess the mediation process applied on community-based disputes in the selected barangays of Batangas City, namely: Barangay Sta. Rita Karsada, Barangay Bolbok, and Barangay Alangilan. The researcher initially speculated that the required procedures under Republic Act No. 7160 were not religiously followed and satisfied by the Lupong Tagapamayapa members in most of the barangays in the subject locality and this prompted the researcher to conduct an investigation about this research topic. In this study, the subject barangays and their Lupon members still resorted to mediation processes to amicably settle conflicts among community members. It can also be appreciated among the Lupon Tagapamayapa members that they are aware of the purpose and processes required in the mediation of cases brought before them. However, the manner in which they conduct this mediation processes seems to be dependent on the general characteristics of their respective barangays and of the people situated therein. It also very noticeable that the strategies applied by the Lupon members on these cases depend on the ways and means the parties in dispute may arrive into agreements and conciliations. It is concluded by the researcher that the Lupong Tagapamayapa members in Barangay Sta. Rita Karsada, Barangay Bolbok, and Barangay Alangilan are aware and are applying the objectives and procedures of mediation. Also, the success and failure of the mediation processes applied by the Lupong Tagapamayapa members of the subject barangays on community-based disputes brought before them are generally attributed on the attitude and perspective of the parties in dispute towards the entire process of mediation and not on the capacity or capability of the Lupon members to subject them into amicable settlements. In view of the above, the researcher humbly recommends the following: (1) that the composition of the Lupong Tagapamayapa should include individuals from various sectors of the barangay; (2) that the Lupong Tagapamayapa members should undergo various trainings that may enhance their capability to mediate any type of community-based disputes at the expense of the barangay fund or budget; (3) that the Punong Barangay and the Sangguniang Pambarangay, in their own discretion, should allocate budget that will consistently provide regular honoraria for the Lupong Tagapamayapa members; (4) that the Punong Barangay and the Sangguniang Pambarangay should provide an ideal venue for the hearing of community-based disputes; (5) that the City/ Municipal Governments should allocate necessary financial assistance to the barangays under their jurisdiction in honing eligible Lupong Tagapamayapa members; and (6) that the Punong Barangay and other officials should initiate series of information campaigns for their constituents to be informed on the objectives, advantages, and procedures of mediation.

Keywords: amicable settlement, community-based disputes, dispute resolution, mediation

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Authors: Yaroslav Alexandrovich Levin

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In modern research on the history of the United States in World War II, it is quite popular to study the opposition of the American special services and, in particular, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) to various organizations of the German diasporas in new historical conditions. The appeal to traditional methods of historical research, comparative studies, and the principles of historicism will make it possible to more accurately trace the process of tightening the counterintelligence work of the Bureau and the close connection of concerns about the involvement of public organizations in the intelligence activities of the enemy. The broadcast of nationalist ideas by various communities of Germans under the auspices of their governments quickly attracted the attention of the FBI, which is in the process of consolidating its powers as the main US counterintelligence service. At the same time, the investigations and trials conducted by the John Edgar Hoover Department following these investigations often had an openly political color and increasingly consolidated the beginning of a political investigation in this service. This practice and its implementation ran into a tough contradiction between the legal norms of America, which proclaimed "democratic values," the right to freedom of speech, and the need to strengthen the internal security of the state and society in wartime. All these processes and the associated nuances and complexities are considered in specific examples of the work of federal agents against various pro-German organizations in the period 1941-45.

Keywords: World War II, internal security, countering extremism, counterintelligence, political investigation, FBI

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Authors: Michael A. Genovese

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The struggle for LGBTQ rights in the United States began in Greenwich Village, New York, in 1967, when police tried to break up a gathering of mostly gay men who were partying at the Stonewall Bar in NYC. As unlikely as it may sound, this “riot” proved to be consequential in raising the political consciousness of gay men in America. From that point on, gays engaged in a political battle to achieve the rights to which they were entitled. This essay examines changes in popular opinion regarding LGBTQ rights from the late 1960s through the Trump administration, and examines the role public pressure played on presidential politics. For most of this period, presidents “followed” public opinion. This was true even during the administration of Barack Obama when gay Americans finally achieved some clearly spelled out rights (e.g. same-sex marriage). The findings of this paper call into question certain assumptions about presidential leadership, and underline the power of public opinion in shaping policy.

Keywords: presidential leadership, gay rights, LGBTQ, popular opinion

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Authors: Salma I. Dwidar, Amal A. Abdelsattar

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Alexandria city is one of the greatest cities in the world. It confronted different civilizations throughout the ages due to its special geographical location and climate which left many archaeological areas of great heritage (Ptolemaic, Greek, Romanian, especially sunken monuments, Coptic, Islamic, and finally, the Modern). Also, Alexandria city contains areas with different patterns of urban planning, both Hellenistic and compacted planning which merited the diversity in planning. Despite the magnitude of this city, which contains all the elements of tourism, the city was not included in the tourism map of Egypt properly comparing with similar cities in Egypt. This paper discusses the importance of heritage areas in Alexandria and the relationship between heritage areas and modern buildings. It highlights the absence of a methodology to deal with heritage areas as touristic areas. Also, the paper aims to develop multiple touristic routes to visit archaeological areas and other sights of significance in Alexandria. The research methodology is divided into two main frameworks. The first framework is a historical study of the urban development of Alexandria and the most important remaining monuments throughout the ages, as well as an analytical study of sunken monuments and their importance in increasing the rate of tourism. Moreover, it covers a study of the importance of the Library of Alexandria and its effect on the international focus of the city. The second framework focuses on the proposal of some tourism routes to visit the heritage areas, archaeological monuments, sunken monuments and the sights of Alexandria. The study concludes with the proposal of three tourism routes. The first route, which is the longest one, passes by all the famous monuments of the city as well as its modern sights. The second route passes through the heritage areas, sunken monuments, and Library of Alexandria. The third route includes the sunken monuments and Library of Alexandria. These three tourism routes will ensures the touristic development of the city which leads to the economic growth of the city and the country.

Keywords: archeological buildings, heritage buildings, heritage tourism, planning of Islamic cities

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Authors: Sarthak S. Salunke

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Development, as a notion, is seen in perspective of western philosophical conceptions, and the western developed nations have become a yardstick for setting up development goals for developing and underdeveloped nations around the world. This blanket term of development becomes superficial and materialistic in context of the vast geopolitical, territorial, cultural and behavioral diversities existing in countries of the Africa and the Asia, and tends to undermine the atomistic aspect of development. Indian political theories, which are often seen as religious philosophies, have inherent structure of development of human being as an individual and as a part of the society, and, in result, development of the State. These theories, primarily individualistic in nature, have a combination of altruism and rationalism which guides human beings towards constructing a collectively developed and morally sustainable society. This research focuses on the application of this Indian thought in combination of classical liberal thought to tackle the issues of development in diverse societies. The proposed restructured model of development is based on molecular individualism, instead of atomic individual approach of liberalists, which lets development modelers to target meaningful clusters for designating goals for development based on the particular needs based on geopolitical, cultural and ethical requirements, and making it meaningful in conjunction with global development to establish a harmony between western and eastern worlds.

Keywords: Indian political thought, development, liberalism, molecular individualism

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Authors: Hugh Byrd, Steve Matthewnan

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The devastation of the city centre of Christchurch, New Zealand, after the 2010 and 2011 earthquakes presented an opportunity to rebuild infrastructure in a coordinated and efficient manner to allow for a city that was energy efficient, low carbon, resilient and provided both energy security and justice. The research described in this paper records the processes taken to attempt to rebuild the energy infrastructure. The story is one of political decisions overriding appropriate technology and ultimately is a lesson in how not to handle the implementation of post-disaster energy infrastructure. Lack of clarity in decision making by central government and then not pursuing consultant’s recommendations led to a scheme that was effectively abandoned in 2016 and described as ‘a total failure’. The paper records the critical events that occurred and explains why the proposed energy infrastructure was both politically and technologically inappropriate.

Keywords: energy infrastructure, policy and governance, post-disaster rebuilding

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Authors: Piyush Bajpai, Sneha Pandey

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Mumbai’s Dhobighat, 150 year old largest open laundry in the world, is the true live-work place and only source of income for some of Mumbai’s highest density ‘urban poor’ residents. The regeneration of Dhobighat, due to its ultra prime location and complex socio-political culture has been a complex issue. This once flourishing urban industrial core has been degrading for the past several decades mainly due to the decline of the open laundry business, the site’s over burdened infrastructure and conflicting socio-political and economic forces. The phenomena of ‘exaptation’ or ‘co-option’ has been observed by evolutionary biologists as a process responsible for producing highly tenacious and resilient offsprings within a species. The reddish egret uses its wings to cast shadow in shallow waters to attract small fish and hunt them. An unrelated feature used opportunistically to produce a very favorable result. How can this idea of co-option be applied to resolve the complex issue of Dhobighat’s regeneration? Our paper proposes a new methodology/approach for the regeneration of Dhobighat through the lens of evolutionary biology. Forces and systems (social, political, economic, cultural and ecological) that seem conflicting or unrelated by nature are opportunistically transformed into symbiotic and complimentary relationships that produce an inclusive, resilient and holistic solution for the regeneration of Dhobighat.

Keywords: urban regeneration, exaptation, resilience, Dhobighat, Mumbai

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Authors: Hyeon Sop Baek

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This paper will investigate the Korean concept of han and suggest that the feeling of han is essentially inseparable from the central project of the Korean neo-Confucian philosophical tradition. Han is a complex sentiment, but one may characterize it as an internally directed complex of sentiments of frustration, sadness, and anger. In particular, this paper aims to demonstrate that the Korean neo-Confucian project's ultimate objective was to build a pluralistic world – where different people can coexist together in harmony and participate in building the ideal world. Nevertheless, the confrontation between the neo-Confucian idea – that every person has the intrinsic potential to be moral – and the bleakness of reality that made their objective virtually impossible to achieve led to the formation and development of the feeling of han. The paper will first examine the concept of han and what it entails and then investigate the core elements of Korean neo-Confucianism, examining the works of Korean neo-Confucians, including Toegye, Yulgok, and Jeong Dojeon. Furthermore, the concept of plurality will be drawn from the political theory of Hannah Arendt. While the Arendtian and Korean neo-Confucian philosophies are ultimately different, this paper will contend that the two philosophies' broader aims share many resonating points. Specifically, within both philosophies, the human plurality – that all humans are equal but not the same – underlies the foundation of an ideal political realm. From there, an argument that the difficulty faced by the neo-Confucians in Korea in constructing a polity based on the ideal of respect and human moral capacity ultimately contributed to the emergence of the sentiment han will be presented. In conclusion, this paper will demonstrate that the ultimate objectives of Korean Confucianism lie in closing the gap between the ideal and reality in moral cultivation as well as its political project of building an ideal, pluralistic world, and han emerges from the realization of the difficulty of achieving that goal. Finally, this paper will contest that han needs not be perceived negatively, and han can be a driving force for political participation in the contemporary democratic, pluralistic society.

Keywords: Korea, Confucianism, neo-Confucianism, philosophy, han, Korean philosophy

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Authors: Gustavo Naranjo Maroto, Dolores Fernandez Martinez

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Context has always been essential to understand any reaction from every human being, and words, whether written or spoken, are definitely a powerful representative sample of human reaction. This study starts with an accurate breakdown of the context in which the current president of the US, Mr. Donald J. Trump is conveying his discourses in order to be able to judge them from a critical discourse analysis point of view. The present world’s scenario with a pandemic disease in form of Covid-19 that is threatening the world and certainly putting at risk the so called 'Welfare State', the role of the United States as the first superpower on earth nowadays, the very peculiar profile of President Trump not only as a politician but as a persona, and the fact of being on the verge of a very controversial presidential elections are without doubt a great and undeniable opportunity for the implementation of the critical discourse analysis methodology. Hence, this research will primarily analyze in detail some of the most interesting discourses delivered by Trump in different media since the very beginning of the outbreak of the coronavirus pandemic in the United States of America (February, 2020), sadly very often downplayed by President Trump, until the final result of the upcoming presidential election scheduled for Tuesday, November 3, 2020, where the political discourse has been dramatically downgraded to a very dangerous state, putting in jeopardy the fundamentals of the political fair play in terms of speech. Finally, the study will hopefully conclude with the final outcome of the data analyzed, allowing to picture how significant the context can be concerning linguistics on the one hand, in terms of shaping or altering the message that the issuer thought to convey in the first place, and on the other hand, generously assessing to what extend the recipients of the message are influenced by the message in terms of receptiveness.

Keywords: Covid-19, critical discourse analysis, Donald J. Trump, political discourse

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Authors: Rasha A. Salameh

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This research attempts to evaluate the treatment provided by the Qatari media to the decision to allow Saudi women to drive, and then activate this decision after a few months, that is, within the time frame between September 26, 2017 until June 30, 2018. This is through asking several questions, including whether the political dispute between Qatar and Saudi Arabia has cast a shadow over this handling, and if these Qatari media handlings are used to criticize the Saudi regime for delaying this step. Here emerges one of the research hypotheses that says that the coverage did not have the required professionalism, due to the fact that the decision and its activation took place in light of the political stalemate between Qatar and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, which requires testing the media framing and agenda theories to know to what extent they apply to this case. The research dealt with a sample of five Qatari media read in this sample: Al-Jazeera Net, The New Arab Newspaper, Al-Sharq Newspaper, The Arab Newspaper, and Al-Watan Newspaper. The results showed that most of the authors who covered the decision to allow Saudi women to drive a car did not achieve a balance in their writing, and that almost half of them did not have objectivity, and this indicates the proof of the hypothesis that there is a defect in the professional competence in covering the decision to allow Saudi women to drive cars by means of Qatari media, and the researcher attributes this result to the political position between Qatar and Saudi Arabia, in addition to the fact that the Arab media in most of them are characterized by a low ceiling of freedom, and most of them are identical in their position with the position of the regime’s official view.

Keywords: Saudi women, objectivity, hate speech, stereotype

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Authors: Diya Sarkar, Prafulla C. Mishra

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In a parliamentary system, party discipline is the impulse; when it falls short, the government usually falls. Conceivably, the platform of Indian politics suffers with innumerous practical disorders. The politics of defection is one such specie entailing gross miscarriage of fair conduct turning politics into a game of thrones (powers). This practice of political nomaditude can trace its seed in the womb of British House of Commons. Therein, if a legislator was found to cross the floor, the party considered him disloyal. In other words, the legislator lost his allegiance to his former party by joining another party. This very phenomenon, in practice has a two way traffic i.e. ruling party to the opposition party or vice versa. The democracies like USA, Australia and Canada were also aware of this fashion of swapping loyalties. There have been several instances of great politicians changing party allegiance, for example Winston Churchill, Ramsay McDonald, William Gladstone etc. Nevertheless, it is interesting to cite that irrespective of such practice of changing party allegiance, none of the democracies in the west ever desired or felt the need to legislatively ban defections. But, exceptionally India can be traced to have passed anti-defection laws. The politics of defection had been a unique popular phenomenon on the floor of Indian Parliamentary system gradually gulping the democratic essence and synchronization of the Federation. This study is both analytical and doctrinal, which tries to examine whether representative democracy has lost its essence due to political nomadism. The present study also analyzes the classical as well as contemporary pulse of floor crossing amidst dynastic politics in a representative democracy. It will briefly discuss the panorama of defections under the Indian federal structure in the light of the anti-defection law and an attempt has been made to add valuable suggestions to streamline remedy for the still prevalent political defections.

Keywords: constitutional law, defection, democracy, polarization, political anti-trust

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Authors: Sarwan Hasan

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This article is to investigate the main forms and causes of corruption and provides anti-corruption policies. It is significant to find out how both interact and affect each other. The research focuses particularly on the case study of Iraq from 2003 to 2023. In this way, the main methods of analysis will be the system approach to analyze the relationship of different elements of the political system of Iraq in the context of corruption, the process-tracing method to explain the reasons for corruption, and content analysis of the official documents important for the research topic. Moreover, the SWOT analysis will be used in the part about the anti-corruption policies. This article concludes that the main causes behind corruption in Iraq are power distribution based on muhassasa tayifiya (power apportionment based on ethno-sectarianism), decentralized political system, sectarian division, Iran, and socio-cultural structure. The main forms of corruption in the country are illegal enrichment, using public positions for sectarian agenda, criminal corruption, bribery, political patronage, clientelism, cronyism, nepotism, embezzlement, kickback, extortion, money laundry, speed money, theft, and justice obstruction. The main anti-corruption policies in Iraq are establishing the Commission of Integrity, Board of Supreme Audit, Inspectors General and Parliamentary Committee, Internalization (assistance from foreign actors), economic adjustment and financial reform, and the new anti-corruption program of the new Prime Minister (Mohamed Shiyah al-Sudani).

Keywords: anti-corruption, corruption, Iraq, anti-corruption policies

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Authors: Aamir Ayub, Yasir Shehzad, Shakeel Ahmad

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This research paper aims to understand how the Pashtuns have been represented in relationship to terrorism in post-9/11 Bollywood and Lollywood movies. It focuses particularly on ‘Torbaaz’ from Bollywood and ‘Waar’ from Lollywood in order to define the nature of Pashtun characterization, the functioning of intelligence agencies, as well as the socio-political side of the represented narratives. In this research, the analytical approach developed is applied to contemplate how these films represent or fail to represent Pashtun identity, taking into consideration the cultural, historical and social dimensions. The study also aims to examine the effects of the media, particularly on the different ethnic groups’ perceptions of terrorism. In this case, it covers how the movie relates actual events in society – specifically, socio-political – to the messages in the film regarding the Pashtun people and their portrayal. Such elements may constitute the portrayal of intelligence agencies and their fight against terrorism, state-security dynamics, and the Pashtun society. In conclusion, this research paper focuses on the representation of Pashtuns in films after 9/11 and addresses the issue concerning the representation of ethnic groups in the method of the theme of terrorism. It provides ideas about the role of media in influencing the mind of the society and their attitude towards certain communities after geopolitics upheavals.

Keywords: pashtun representation, terrorism, 9/11 attacks, socio-political implications, ethnic representation in media

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Authors: Cara Williams

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This paper considers the media’s role in formulating a dominant social deviance paradigm and medicalised portrayal of disabled people and examines how those representations of impairment reinforce the personal tragedy view that underpins the social value given to the category of disability. According to a materialist perspective, the personal tragedy medical model approach condemns disabled people to live an inferior 'life apart', socially excluded and prevented from living as fully participating citizens on an equal basis to non-disabled people. Commonly, disabled people are portrayed as a person who needs to be cured in order to achieve a better 'quality of life'; otherwise stories center on deviance, criminality or scrounger. Media representations have consistently used negative language and images that reinforce the personal tragedy 'deficient' view of disability. The systematic misrepresentation within film, literature, TV and other art forms have validated a process about what it means to be 'normal' and how 'difference' and 'identity' are interpreted. The impact of these stereotyped disabling images for disabled people is a barrier not experienced by many other oppressed minority groups. Applying a materialist analysis, this paper contends that the impact on audience’s perceptions of impaired bodies and minds, and the harmful effects on disabled people can be linked with agenda setting theory - the relationship between the media and the political agenda.

Keywords: media, disabled people, political agenda, personal tragedy

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Authors: Keroles Akram Saed Ghatas

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The political violence that characterized 1992 continued into 1993, creating a major security crisis for President Hosni Mubarak's government as the death toll and human rights abuses soared. Increasingly sensitive to criticism of 's human rights activities, the government established human rights departments in key ministries, beginning with the Foreign Office in February. Similar offices have been set up in the Justice and Agriculture Ministries, and plans to set up an office in the Home Office have been announced. It turned out that the main task of the law unit was to overturn the conclusions of international human rights organizations.President Mubarak was elected in a national referendum on October 4 for a third six-year term after being appointed on July 21 by the People's Assembly, an elected parliament overwhelmingly dominated by the in-power National Democratic Party will Mr. Mubarak ran unhindered. The Interior Ministry announced that nearly 16 million people cast their votes (84% of eligible voters), of which 96.28%. voted for presidential re-election.In 1993, armed Islamic extremists escalated their attacks on Christian citizens, government officials, police officers and senior security officials, resulting in casualties among the intended victims and bystanders. Sporadic attacks on buses, boats and tourist attractions also occurred throughout the year. From March 1992 to October 28, 1993, a total of 222 people lost their lives in the riots: 36 Coptic Christians and 38 other citizens; If one is a foreigner; sixty-six members of the Security Forces; and seventy-six known or suspected activists who were killed while resisting arrest. The latter was killed in airstrikes and firefights with security forces and at the site of planned attacks. On March 9-10, a series of airstrikes in Cairo, Giza, Qalyubiya province north of the capital and Aswan killed fifteen suspected militants and five members of the security forces.One of the airstrikes in Giza, part of Greater Cairo, killed the wife and son of Khalifa Mahmoud Ramadan, a suspected militant who was himself killed. The government agency Middle East News Agency reported on March 10 that the raids were part of a "broad confrontational plan aimed at ofterrorist elements"The state of emergency declared in October 1981 after the assassination of President Anwar el-Sadat was still in force in Egypt. The law, previously in effect continuously from June 1967 to May 1980, continued to grant the executive branch unique legal powers that effectively overrode the human rights guarantees of the Egyptian constitution. These provisions included wide discretionary powers in arresting and detaining individuals, as well as the ability to try civilians in military courts. The Cairo-based Independent Organization for Human Rights said so in a document sent to the United Nations in July 1993The human rights committee said the continued imposition of the state of emergency had resulted in "another constitution for the country" and "led to widespread misconduct by the security apparatus".

Keywords: constitution, human rights, legal power, president, anwar, el-sadat, assassination, state of emergency, middle east, news, agency, confrontational, arresting, fugitive, leaders, terrorist, elements, armed islamic extremists.

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Authors: Zahoor Ahmad

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Casteism has played a pivotal role in the social setup and political manipulations in Punjab. This tradition dates back to pre-British history. A number of scholars produced valuable work attributing the caste prejudice and division among the local communities. As a matter of fact, the history of Punjab witnessed a tangible economic, Muslim-non-Muslim, hatred culture towards low-profile castes & professions, and so on. It is obvious that caste ridden system already existed in Punjab before the advent of the British, who tremendously supported the same, and this division evidently affected every aspect of the political as well as social life of the region. This article highlights the characteristics of different castes and the contemptuous behavior of the low castes & professions in the area further, how the caste system influenced the local people and their culture.

Keywords: casteism, caste prejudice, division, Punjab

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Authors: Noriyuki Suyama

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This paper looked into consumer behavioral changes by analyzing the data collected by ASMARKS Co., one of a research companies in Japan. The purpose of the paper is to understand the two differences of before vs. after COVID-19 pandemic and Japanese living in Japan. Subsequently, examining the analysis results helped obtain useful insights into new business models for business parties in Japan as a microlevel perspective. The paper also tried to explore future conditions of globalization by taking into consideration nation’s political and economic changes as a macro-level perspective. The COVID-19 has been continuing its spread across the world with more than 60 million confirmed cases in 190 countries. This pandemic with restricted scopes of behavior mandates have disrupted the consumer habits of their lifestyles. Consumers have tendency to learn new ways when they have trouble in taking routine action. For example, the government forces people to refrain from going out, they try to telecommute at home. If the situation come back to normal, people still change their lifestyles to fit in the best. Some of data show typical effects of COVID-19; forceful exposure to digitalized work-life styles; more flexible time at home; importance of trustful and useful information gathering between what's good and bad;etc. in comparison with before vs. after COVID-19 pandemic. In addition, Japanese have less changed their lifestyles than Expatriates living in Japan. For example, while 94% of the expatriates have decreased their outgo because of self-quarantine, only 55% of the Japanese have done. There are more differences in both comparisons in the analysis results. The economic downtrend resulting from COVID-19 is supposed to be at least as devastating if not more so than that of the financial crisis. With unemployment levels in the US taking two weeks to reach what took 6 months in the 2008 crisis, there is no doubt of a global recession some predict could reach 10% or above of GDP. As a result, globalization in the global supply chain of goods and services will end up with negative impact. A lot of governmental financial and economic policies are supposed to focus on their own profits and interests, exclusing other countries interests as is the case with the Recovery Act just after the global financial crisis from 2007 to 2008. Both micro- and macro-levels analysis successfully reveal important connotations and managerial implications of business in Japan for Japanese consumers as well as after COVID-19 global business.

Keywords: COVID-19, lifestyle in Japan, expatriates, consumer behavior

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Authors: Naziema B. Jappie

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Over the last 23 years leaders in government, political parties and universities have been spending much time on identifying and discussing various gaps in the system that impact systematically on students especially those from historically Black communities. Equity and access to higher education were two critical aspects that featured in achieving the transformation goals together with a funding model for those previously disadvantaged. Free education was not a feasible option for the government. Institutional leaders in higher education face many demands on their time and resources. Often, the time for crisis management planning or consideration of being proactive and preventative is not a standing agenda item. With many issues being priority in academia, people become complacent and think that crisis may not affect them or they will cross the bridge when they get to it. Historically South Africa has proven to be a country of militancy, strikes and protests in most industries, some leading to disastrous outcomes. Higher education was not different between October 2015 and late 2016 when the #Rhodes Must Fall which morphed into the # Fees Must Fall protest challenged the establishment, changed the social fabric of universities, bringing the sector to a standstill. Some institutional leaders and administrators were better at handling unexpected, high-consequence situations than others. At most crisis leadership is viewed as a situation more than a style of leadership which is usually characterized by crisis management. The objective of this paper is to show how institutions managed catastrophes of disastrous proportions, down through unexpected incidents of 2015/2016. The content draws on the vast past crisis management experience of the presenter and includes the occurrences of the recent protests giving an event timeline. Using responses from interviews with institutional leaders and administrators as well as students will ensure first-hand information on their experiences and the outcomes. Students have tasted the power of organized action and they demand immediate change, if not the revolt will continue. This paper will examine the approaches that guided institutional leaders and their crisis teams and sector crisis response. It will further expand on whether the solutions effectively changed governance in higher education or has it minimized the need for more protests. The conclusion will give an insight into the future of higher education in South Africa from a leadership perspective.

Keywords: crisis, governance, intervention, leadership, strategies, protests

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Authors: Oliver Benoit

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On 13 March 1979, a left-wing political party formed in the 1970s overthrew Eric Gairy's government and established the People's Revolutionary Government which governed Grenada from (1979-1983). On the morning of 13 March 1979, the People's Revolutionary Government leader, Maurice Bishop, appealed to the people of Grenada to assist the forces of the revolution in consolidating its newly acquired political power. A cross-section of the Grenadian population responded positively to Maurice Bishop's appeal. Within the four and a half years of the revolution, noticeable social, political, and economic changes affected all areas of social life before internal divisions caused the revolution's collapse. Forty-two years following the revolution's collapse, intellectuals and commentators continue to argue about the impact of the Grenada Revolution on societal and national development. However, the revolution's impact on the spread of nationalism in Grenada is yet to be analyzed. Nationalism, as a modern phenomenon, has impacted many societies since its emergence in England in the seventeenth century, and Grenada is no exception. The paper argues that the Grenada Revolution was motivated by nationalist sentiments and the revolution itself fostered the development of nationalism in Grenada. The argument relies on 40 interviews; people who currently reside in Grenada (2020) and live in Grenada during the revolution as young adults and adults (ages 15 and beyond) and have memories of their experiences of the revolution. The sample of 40 respondence represents about 20,000 people in Grenada who are within the study population between 55 and 75 years today (2020).

Keywords: grenada, motivation, nationalism, revolution

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Authors: Jie Liu, Wei Wei, Chun-Ping Chang

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Using a sample of 110 countries over the period 1984-2013, this paper examines the impacts of country risks on choosing a specific exchange rate regime (first by utilizing the Levy-Yeyati and Sturzenegger de facto classification and then robusting it by the IMF de jure measurement) relative to other regimes via the panel multinomial logit approach. Empirical findings are as follows. First, in the full samples case we provide evidence that government is more likely to implement a flexible regime, but less likely to adopt a fixed regime, under a low level of composite and financial risk. Second, we find that Eurozone countries are more likely to choose a fixed exchange rate regime with a decrease in the level of country risk and favor a flexible regime in response to a shock from an increase of risk, which is opposite to non-Eurozone countries. Third, we note that high-risk countries are more likely to choose a fixed regime with a low level of composite and political risk in the government, but do not adjust the exchange rate regime as a shock absorber when facing economic and financial risks. It is interesting to see that those countries with relatively low risk display almost opposite results versus high-risk economies. Overall, we believe that it is critically important to account for political economy variables in a government’s exchange rate policy decisions, especially for country risks. All results are robust to the panel ordered probit model.

Keywords: country risk, political economy, exchange rate regimes, shock absorber

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Authors: Eva Chou

Abstract:

This paper presents a case study of a historical moment in the city vs countryside relationship that is important in urban studies in China. Policies during the Cultural Revolution in China (1966-76) several times sent educated urban youths to the countryside. Initially, they were sent to “make revolution”: they were instructed to instigate powerful disruptions of established village relations. Later, they were “sent-down” to the countryside “to learn from the peasants.” Millions of urban youths “volunteered” to live as peasants did in the poverty of the countryside, thus resolving a political problem of urban unrest for the Party. Many had remained for decades before they were able to leave; others were never re-urbanized. Ballet troupes constituted a special case in both of these periods. This paper examines the differing experiences of individual “sent-down” ballet dancers on the one hand, and on the other hand, ballet troupes assigned to perform in the countryside.

Keywords: cultural revolution, reurbanized, sent-down youths, ballet

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Authors: Roxana D. Maiorescu-Murphy

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In the US, corporations have recently embraced political stances in an attempt to respond to the external pressure exerted by activist groups. To date, research in this area remains in its infancy, and few studies have been conducted on the way stakeholder groups respond to corporate political advocacy in general and in the immediacy of such a corporate announcement in particular. The current study aims to fill in this research void. In addition, the study contributes to an emerging trajectory in the field of crisis management by focusing on the delineation between crises (unexpected events related to products and services) and scandals (crises that spur moral outrage). The present study looked at online reactions in the aftermath of Elon Musk’s endorsement of the Republican party on Twitter. Two data sets were collected from Twitter following two political endorsements made by Elon Musk on May 18, 2022, and June 15, 2022, respectively. The total sample of analysis stemming from the data two sets consisted of N=1,374 user comments written as a response to Musk’s initial tweets. Given the paucity of studies in the preceding research areas, the analysis employed a case study methodology, used in circumstances in which the phenomena to be studied had not been researched before. According to the case study methodology, which answers the questions of how and why a phenomenon occurs, this study responded to the research questions of how online users perceived Tesla and why they did so. The data were analyzed in NVivo by the use of the grounded theory methodology, which implied multiple exposures to the text and the undertaking of an inductive-deductive approach. Through multiple exposures to the data, the researcher ascertained the common themes and subthemes in the online discussion. Each theme and subtheme were later defined and labeled. Additional exposures to the text ensured that these were exhaustive. The results revealed that the CEO’s political endorsements triggered moral outrage, leading to Tesla’s facing a scandal as opposed to a crisis. The moral outrage revolved around the stakeholders’ predominant rejection of a perceived intrusion of an influential figure on a domain reserved for voters. As expected, Musk’s political endorsements led to polarizing opinions, and those who opposed his views engaged in online activism aimed to boycott the Tesla brand. These findings reveal that the moral outrage that characterizes a scandal requires communication practices that differ from those that practitioners currently borrow from the field of crisis management. Specifically, because scandals flourish in online settings, practitioners should regularly monitor stakeholder perceptions and address them in real-time. While promptness is essential when managing crises, it becomes crucial to respond immediately as a scandal is flourishing online. Finally, attempts should be made to distance a brand, its products, and its CEO from the latter’s political views.

Keywords: crisis management, communication management, Tesla, corporate political activism, Elon Musk

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