Search results for: political mediation

Authors: Birendra Mahato, Shiva Narayan Chaudhary

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Tharus are indigenous inhabitants of the Tarai, the narrow strip of flat and fertile land that lies at the foothills of the Himalayas. They have unique rituals, festivals, and music, while their clothes and ornaments are similar to some ethnic groups of India. After the control of malaria in the Terai between 1955 to 1965, (with the help of the U.S. Government, the WHO and the government of Nepal) the rate of in-migration skyrocketed, particularly of Nepal’s hill people, whose culture, along with the use of the Western education system, was gradually adopted by the Tharus. Among the many challenges, the Tharus face is their assimilation into the dominant Nepali culture. .The Tharus are thus under threat of slowly losing their ethnic identity and cultural values. In order to preserve the indigenous Tharu Culture, Tharu Cultural Museum, and Research Center. It is a community based non-governmental and non-profitable museum established in 2005 by Tharu intellectuals, traditional leaders and youths. The main goal of the museum is to preserve Tharu culture through different activities with direct and indirect involvement of community people. It aims to preserve arts, culture, handicrafts, and artifacts related to Indigenous Tharu People. Similarly, the museum displays an exhibition about the Tharu histories, lives, culture, and their indigenous knowledge and skills. The paper aims to demonstrate that community museums can be one of the key hubs for the preservation of culture with the collection and promotion of cultural objects, artifacts, and intangible cultural heritages. The preservation of culture not only has contributed to establishing their ethnic identity but also has contributed to establishing their recognition of their political space in the mainstream politics - the constitution of Nepal has recognized Tharus to provide reservation for the political space.

Keywords: community museum, tharu, , identity, culture

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Authors: Indu Poornima

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This paper aims at understanding the Socio-historical, political and economic dimensions of Female Genital Mutilation in Africa. After throwing light on the definition of FGM and scrutinizing the misconceptions associated with it, the paper progresses to analyze the following questions. a) How do communities performing FGM rationalize their act? b) Are the victims (women) themselves the strongest proponents of FGM ? and c) Are legislations against FGM by international organizations counter-productive?

Keywords: female genital mutilation, Africa, rationalizing the act, international legislations

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Authors: Birge Yildirim Okta

Abstract:

This paper aims to narrate the story of Atatürk Cultural Center in Taksim Square, which was demolished in 2018 and discuss its architectonic as a social place of memory and its existence and demolishment as the space of politics. The paper uses narrative discourse analysis to research Atatürk Cultural Center (AKM) as a place of memory and space of politics from the establishment of the Turkish Republic (1923) until today. After the establishment of the Turkish Republic, one of the most important implementations in Taksim Square, reflecting the internationalist style, was the construction of the Opera Building in Prost Plan. The first design of the opera building belonged to Aguste Perret, which could not be implemented due to economic hardship during World War II. Later the project was designed by architects Feridun Kip and Rüknettin Güney in 1946 but could not be completed due to the 1960 military coup. Later the project was shifted to another architect Hayati Tabanlıoglu, with a change in its function as a cultural center. Eventually, the construction of the building was completed in 1969 in a completely different design. AKM became a symbol of republican modernism not only with its modern architectural style but also with it is function as the first opera building of the Republic, reflecting the western, modern cultural heritage by professional groups, artists, and the intelligentsia. In 2005, Istanbul’s council for the protection of cultural heritage decided to list AKM as a grade 1 cultural heritage, ending a period of controversy which saw calls for the demolition of the center as it was claimed, it ended its useful lifespan. In 2008 the building was announced to be closed for repairs and restoration. Over the following years, the building was demolished piece by piece silently while the Taksim mosque has been built just in front of Atatürk Cultural Center. Belonging to the early republican period AKM was a representation of the cultural production of modern society for the emergence and westward looking, secular public space in Turkey. Its erasure from the Taksim scene under the rule of the conservative government, Justice, and Development Party, and the construction of the Taksim mosque in front of AKM’s parcel is also representational. The question of governing the city through space has always been an important aspect for governments, those holding political power since cities are the chaotic environments that are seen as a threat for the governments, carrying the tensions of the proletariat or the contradictory groups. The story of AKM as a dispositive or a regulatory apparatus demonstrates how space itself is becoming a political medium, to transform the socio-political condition. The paper narrates the existence and demolishment of the Atatürk Cultural Center by discussing the constructed and demolished building as a place of memory and space of politics.

Keywords: space of politics, place of memory, Atatürk Cultural Center, Taksim square, collective memory

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Authors: Rajapaksha J. S. R. L., Rajapaksha R. G. D. T., Ranawaka A. U. R., Rangalla R. D. M. P., Ranwala R. D. E. B., Chandratilake M. N.

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Introduction: Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) patients experience discrimination, insensitivity, and ignorance about LGBT-specific health needs among healthcare providers. Developing the correct attitudes among medical students towards LGBT may help provide them with optimal healthcare. Objectives: This study aimed at assessing the attitudes of medical students towards the LBGT community. Methodology: A cross-sectional descriptive study was among all the medical students in the Faculty of Medicine, University of Kelaniya, Sri Lanka, using a validated online questionnaire. The questionnaire focused on eight areas. The data were descriptively analyzed, and the demographic groups were compared. Results: 358 students completed the survey. The response rate was 34.26%. Their attitudes on traditional gender roles and comfortability in interacting with LGBT people were moderate, and they disagreed with negative LGBT social beliefs. They knew less about the origin of sexuality/gender of LGBT. Although they accepted LGBT as a part of diversity, they discouraged normalizing the social practices of LGBT people. Their acceptance and association of LGBT were moderately positive. A minority has encountered LGBT in close social circles, and the majority of them were batch-mates. Although males’ knowledge about the origin of LGBT was higher, they favoured traditional gender roles more. The religious groups showed no differences. The favourability of attitudes towards LGBT reflected respondents’ political ideology. Conclusion: Although medical students’ knowledge on the sexuality/gender basis of LGBT is poor, they have moderately favourable attitudes towards them. They accept LGBT as a part of social diversity but not their social practices. Poor knowledge, lack of encounters, cultural influences, and political ideology may have influenced their attitudes.

Keywords: medical students, attitude, LGBT, diversity

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Authors: Atnafu Ashenef Wondim

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In today’s highly competitive business environment, employees are considered a source of competitive advantage. Researchers have looked into job autonomy's effect on organizational commitment and declared superior organizational performance strongly depends on the effort and commitment of employees. The purpose of this study was to explore the relationship between job autonomy and organizational commitment from newcomer’s point of view. The mediation role of employee engagement (physical, emotional, and cognitive) was also examined in the case of Ethiopian Commercial Banks. An exploratory survey research design with mixed-method approach that included partial least squares structural equation modeling and Fuzzy-Set Qualitative Comparative Analysis technique were using to address the sample size of 348 new employees. In-depth interviews with purposive and convenientsampling techniques are conducted with new employees (n=43). The results confirmed that job autonomy had positive, significant direct effects on physical engagement, emotional engagement, and cognitive engagement (path coeffs. = 0.874, 0.931, and 0.893).The results showed thatthe employee engagement driver, physical engagement, had a positive significant influence on affective commitment (path coeff. = 0.187) and normative commitment (path coeff. = 0.512) but no significant effect on continuance commitment. Employee engagement partially mediates the relationship between job autonomy and organizational commitment, which means supporting the indirect effects of job autonomy on affective, continuance, and normative commitment through physical engagement. The findings of this study add new perspectives by positioning it within a complex organizational African setting and by expanding the job autonomy and organizational commitment literature, which will benefit future research. Much of the literature on job autonomy and organizational commitment has been conducted within a well-established organizational business context in Western developed countries.The findings lead to fresh information on job autonomy and organizational commitment implementation enablers that can assist in the formulation of a better policy/strategy to efficiently adopt job autonomy and organizational commitment.

Keywords: employee engagement, job autonomy, organizational commitment, social exchange theory

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Authors: Justine Salam

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As a federal state, Canada’s constitutional arrangements regarding the management of natural resources is unique because it gives complete ownership and control of natural resources to the provinces (subnational level). However, the province of Alberta—home to the third largest oil reserves in the world—lags behind comparable jurisdictions in levying royalties on oil corporations, especially oil sands royalties. While Albertans own the oil sands, scholars have argued that natural resource exploitation in Alberta benefits corporations and industry more than it does Albertans. This study provides a systematic understanding of the causal factors affecting royalties in Alberta to map dynamics of power and how they manifest themselves during policy-making. Mounting domestic and global public pressure led Alberta to review its oil sands royalties twice in less than a decade through public-commissioned Royalty Review Panels, first in 2007 and again in 2015. The Panels’ task was to research best practices and to provide policy recommendations to the Government through public consultations with Albertans, industry, non-governmental organizations, and First Nations peoples. Both times, the Panels recommended a relative increase to oil sands royalties. However, irrespective of the Reviews’ recommendations, neither the right-wing 2007 Progressive Conservative Party (PC) nor the left-wing 2015 New Democratic Party (NDP) government—both committed to increase oil sands royalties—increased royalty intake. Why did two consecutive political parties at opposite ends of the political spectrum fail to account for the recommendations put forward by the Panel? Through a qualitative case-study analysis, this study assesses domestic and global causal factors for Alberta’s inability to raise oil sands royalties significantly after the two Reviews through an institutions, interests, and ideas framework. Indeed, causal factors can be global (e.g. market and price fluctuation) or domestic (e.g. oil companies’ influence on the Alberta government). The institutions, interests, and ideas framework is at the intersection of public policy, comparative studies, and political economy literatures, and therefore draws multi-faceted insights into the analysis. To account for institutions, the study proposes to review international trade agreements documents such as the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) because they have embedded Alberta’s oil sands into American energy security policy and tied Canadian and Albertan oil policy in legal international nods. To account for interests, such as how the oil lobby or the environment lobby can penetrate governmental decision-making spheres, the study draws on the Oil Sands Oral History project, a database of interviews from government officials and oil industry leaders at a pivotal time in Alberta’s oil industry, 2011-2013. Finally, to account for ideas, such as how narratives of Canada as a global ‘energy superpower’ and the importance of ‘energy security’ have dominated and polarized public discourse, the study relies on content analysis of Alberta-based pro-industry newspapers to trace the prevalence of these narratives. By mapping systematically the nods and dynamics of power at play in Alberta, the study sheds light on the factors that influence royalty policy-making in one of the largest industries in Canada.

Keywords: Alberta Canada, natural resources governance, oil sands, political economy

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Authors: Lizel Bertie, Kim Johnston

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Parental emotion regulation plays a central role in the socialisation of emotion, especially when teaching young children to cope with negative emotions. Despite evidence which shows non-supportive parental responses to children’s expression of negative emotions has implications for the social and emotional development of the child, few studies have investigated risk factors which impact parental emotion socialisation processes. The current study aimed to explore the extent to which parental stress contributes to both difficulties in parental emotion regulation and non-supportive parental responses to children’s expression of negative emotions. In addition, the study examined whether parental use of expressive suppression as an emotion regulation strategy facilitates the influence of parental stress on non-supportive responses by testing the relations in a mediation model. A sample of 140 Australian adults, who identified as parents with children aged 5 to 10 years, completed an online questionnaire. The measures explored recent symptoms of depression, anxiety, and stress, the use of expressive suppression as an emotion regulation strategy, and hypothetical parental responses to scenarios related to children’s expression of negative emotions. A mediated regression indicated that parents who reported higher levels of stress also reported higher levels of expressive suppression as an emotion regulation strategy and increased use of non-supportive responses in relation to young children’s expression of negative emotions. These findings suggest that parents who experience heightened symptoms of stress are more likely to both suppress their emotions in parent-child interaction and engage in non-supportive responses. Furthermore, higher use of expressive suppression strongly predicted the use of non-supportive responses, despite the presence of parental stress. Contrary to expectation, no indirect effect of stress on non-supportive responses was observed via expressive suppression. The findings from the study suggest that parental stress may become a more salient manifestation of psychological distress in a sub-clinical population of parents while contributing to impaired parental responses. As such, the study offers support for targeting overarching factors such as difficulties in parental emotion regulation and stress management, not only as an intervention for parental psychological distress, but also the detection and prevention of maladaptive parenting practices.

Keywords: emotion regulation, emotion socialisation, expressive suppression, non-supportive responses, parental stress

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Authors: Stephanie Ho

Abstract:

This project utilizes principles derived from the Surrealist movement to prioritize creative and critical thinking in secondary English Language Arts (ELA). The implementation of Surrealist-style pedagogies within an ELA classroom will be rooted in critical, radical pedagogy, which addresses the injustices caused by economic-oriented educational systems. The use of critical pedagogy will enable the subversive artistic and political aims of Surrealism to be transmitted to a classroom context. Through aesthetic reading strategies, appreciative questioning and dialogue, students will actively critique the power dynamics which structure (and often restrict) their lives. Within the ELA domain, cost-effective approaches often replace the actual “arts” of ELA. This research will therefore explore how Surrealist-oriented pedagogies could restore imaginative freedom and deconstruct conceptual barriers (normative standards, curricular constraints, and status quo power relations) in secondary ELA. This research will also examine how Surrealism can be used as a political and pedagogical model to treat societal problems mirrored in ELA classrooms. The stakeholders are teachers, as they experience constant pressure within their practices. Similarly, students encounter rigorous, results-based pressures. These dynamics contribute to feelings of powerlessness, thus reinforcing a formulaic model of ELA. The ELA curriculum has potential to create laboratories for critical discussion and active movement towards social change. This proposed research strategy of Surrealist-oriented pedagogies could enable students to experiment with social issues and develop senses of agency and voice that reflect awareness of contemporary society while simultaneously building their ELA skills.

Keywords: arts-informed pedagogies, language arts, literature, surrealism

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Authors: S. Zeynep Siretioglu Girgin, Gizem Turna Cebeci

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Turkey’s immigration policy is a controversial issue considering its legal, economic, social, and political and human rights dimensions. Formulation of an immigration policy goes hand in hand with political processes, where natives’ attitudes play a significant role. On the other hand, as was the case in Turkey, radical changes made in immigration policy or policies lacking transparency may cause severe reactions by the host society. The underlying discussion paper aims to analyze quantitatively the effects of the existing ‘open door’ immigration policy on the economic integration of Syrian refugees in Turkey, and on the perception of the native population of refugees. For the analysis, semi-structured in-depth interviews and focus group interviews have been conducted. After the introduction, a literature review is provided, followed by theoretical background on the explanation of natives’ attitudes towards immigrants. In the next section, a qualitative analysis of natives’ attitudes towards Syrian refugees is presented with the subtopics of (i) awareness, general opinions and expectations, (ii) open-door policy and management of the migration process, (iii) perception of positive and negative impacts of immigration, (iv) economic integration, and (v) cultural similarity. Results indicate that, natives concurrently have social, economic and security concerns regarding refugees, while difficulties regarding security and economic integration of refugees stand out. Socio-economic characteristics of the respondents, such as the educational level and employment status, are not sufficient to explain the overall attitudes towards refugees, while they can be used to explain the awareness of the respondents and the priority of the concerns felt.

Keywords: economic integration, immigration policy, integration policies, migrants, natives’ sentiments, perception, Syrian refugees, Turkey

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Authors: Jessica Gonzalez

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Veganism, along with different types of vegetarianism, consists in the abstinence of animal products. Far from being only an alimentary regulation, it stands as a political posture against the food industry generating itself a set of beliefs, prohibitions, and attitudes that compel the individual to a reevaluation of his obligations towards the environment. Veganism defends animal rights and at the same time reinforces a different conception of natural resources embodying it in alimentary restrictions. These practices emerge in the context of alimentary modernity, which is characterized by bringing new concerns to the consumer. An increased skepticism towards the government ability to protect food supply; a notable distrust toward the market guaranties on providing safe food with sustainable techniques and the desire to react to the neoliberal forms of exploitation are some of its consequences of this phenomenon. This study aims to approach the concept of governmentality as a coproduced system of legitimized practices and knowledge, formed by the interaction of the different actors that are involved. In a scenario where the State seems to retreat from centralized regulation of food production giving up importance to citizens, dietary consultants, farmers, and stockbreeders, veganism plays its role on the conformation of distinctive forms of environmentalism, nature rights and responses to ecological crisis. The ethnographic method allows observing the mechanisms of interaction of consumers and discourses with the mainstream food system, providing evidence about the means of generation of new conceptions about nature and the environment. The paper focuses on how the dietary restrictions, consumption patterns and public discourses of vegans in Barcelona impact local consumption, demonstrating its relevance as a mechanism that associates particular concerns about food with political economy.

Keywords: animal rights, environmentalism, food system, governmentality, veganism

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Authors: A.Beril Tugrul, Selahattin Cimen

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Dependency of humanity on the energy is ever-increasing today and the energy policies are reaching undeniable and un-ignorable dimensions steering the political events as well. Therefore, energy has the highest priority for Turkey like any other country. In this study, the energy supply security for Turkey evaluated according to the strategic criteria of energy policy. Under these circumstances, different alternatives are described and assessed with in terms of the energy expansion of Turkey. With this study, different opportunities in the energy expansion of Turkey is clarified and emphasized.

Keywords: energy policy, energy strategy, future projection, Turkey

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Authors: Tewele Gerlase Haile

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Sustainable development is development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs. The global development landscape underwent a transformative shift in 2015 as the international community pivoted from the MDGs to the more ambitious and comprehensive SDGs. The NDGs were a set of eight international development goals established by the United Nations in 2000, with the aim of improving the lives of people around the world by 2015. SDGs are a continuation of the MDGs. Unlike on the other development goals, progress on eradication of extreme hunger and poverty (MDG 1) has been slow at a continental level. The implementation of the MDGs was uneven: some countries have already achieved many of them, while the others have not started any of them yet. With its Poverty Reduction Strategic Papers (PRSPs), Ethiopia has been given special attention to the first MDG since 1993. The Ethiopian government was actively engaged in anti-poverty political campaign leaving other agendas as secondary issues. Poverty in Ethiopia progressively reduced over the years; it was 44.2% in 2000, 38.7% in 2007, 29.6 % in 2011, and it is projected to further reduce to 16.7% by the end of 2020. The long-term impact of war on the sustainability and effectiveness of SDG-related initiatives in post-conflict regions, particularly in how local governance and community resilience are affected. This could involve exploring how war interrupts progress, which specific SDGs are most vulnerable, and what strategies might mitigate these impacts. Reviewing a transitional period enables policy makers to align global or national development goals into local development goals with an uninterrupted policy continuity. The existing literature on development economics often neglects the importance of reviewing the transitional period of consecutive global development goals in a local or regional perspective. Reviewing a transitional period enables policy makers to align global or national development goals into local development goals with an uninterrupted policy continuity. Using a Policy Coherence for Development (PCD) approach as analytical tool, this paper is intended to retrospectively review what happened to the local economy of Tigrai Regional State during the transitional period from MDGs (2000-2015) to SDGs (2015-2030). Taking a retrospective facts and observations into account, policy discontinuity is witnessed in Tigrai following the dissolution of the EPRDF that followed with a terrible war that claimed about a million human lives and worth of over a hundred Billion US dollars economic costs. The unhealthy political reform caused not only a terrible war but also breaks the promising SDGs. Unlike other regional states, Tigrai left unprivileged to translate the ambitious SDGs into its local development policies.

Keywords: local development, political reform, war, MDGs, SDGs, Ethiopia, tigrai

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Authors: Mariana Anaya Villafana

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The sudden change of a significant percentage of the Latino community in the United States elections towards a Republican political orientation was reflected during the 2016 presidential election. This moment represented a radical change that is happening inside the Latino community in the United States, the support they have given to Trump's campaign only demonstrates their support for new anti-immigration regulations and conservative values, which are causing a division of ideologies inside the Latino community. One of the main goals of the following research is to understand the whole phenomenon 'Why would people join their own oppressor?' Align themselves with the politics that prevent many of their relatives to come to the United States and made the assimilation process difficult for their parents. It is important to prove that a change in the identity has happened, through the use of power relations and the attachment to the desired object. A group of Hispanics/Latinos have decided to vote for Trump in order to belong to a society that hasn’t been able to fully include them within it, an action that can result on the non-intentional harm of the values and aims of the rest of the Latino/Hispanic community. In order to understand their new political beliefs, it is necessary to use the method of discourse analysis to comprehend those comments and interviews that are published on web sites such as: 'Latinos for Trump' and 'GOP Hispanic Division'. Among the results that the research has shown, the notion of the 'American Dream' can be considered as a determinant object for the construction of a new identity that is rooted in hard work and legality. One that is proud of the Latino heritage but still wants to maintain the boundaries between legality and illegality in relation to the immigrants. This discourse results on a contradiction to most of the cases because they mention that their families came to the U.S. as immigrants; the only difference is that they work hard to obtain legal citizenship.

Keywords: populism, identity, Latino Community, migration

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Authors: Michał Jaśkiewicz

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The relation between walkability, place adherence, social relations and quality of life was explored in a Polish context. A considerable number of studies have suggested that environmental factors may influence the quality of life through indirect pathways. The list of possible psychological mediators includes social relations and identity-related variables. Based on the results of Study 1, local identity is a significant mediator in the relationship between neighbourhood walkability and quality of life. It was assumed that pedestrian-oriented neighbourhoods enable residents to interact and that these spontaneous interactions can help to strengthen a sense of local identity, thus influencing the quality of life. We, therefore, conducted further studies, testing the relationship experimentally in studies 2a and 2b. Participants were exposed to (2a) photos of walkable/non-walkable neighbourhoods or (2b) descriptions of high/low-walkable neighbourhoods. They were then asked to assess the walkability of the neighbourhoods and to evaluate their potential social relations and quality of life in these places. In both studies, social relations with neighbours turned out to be a significant mediator between walkability and quality of life. In Study 3, we implemented the measure of overlapping individual and communal identity (fusion with the neighbourhood) and willingness to collective action as mediators. Living in a walkable neighbourhood was associated with identity fusion with that neighbourhood. Participants who felt more fused expressed greater willingness to engage in collective action with other neighbours. Finally, this willingness was positively related to the quality of life in the city. In Study 4, we used commuting time (an aspect of walkability related to the time that people spend travelling to work) as the independent variable. The results showed that a shorter average daily commuting time was linked to more frequent social interactions in the neighbourhood. Individuals who assessed their social interactions as more frequent expressed a stronger city identification, which was in turn related to quality of life. To sum up, our research replicated and extended previous findings on the association between walkability and well-being measures. We introduced potential mediators of this relationship: social interactions in the neighbourhood and identity-related variables.

Keywords: walkability, quality of life, social relations, analysis of mediation

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Authors: Birge Yildirim Okta

Abstract:

This paper aims to narrate the story of Atatürk Cultural Center in Taksim Square, which was demolished in 2018, and discuss its architectonic as a social place of memory and its existence and demolishment as the space of politics. Focusing on the timeline starting from early republican period till today, the paper uses narrative discourse analysis to research Atatürk Cultural Center as a place of memory and a space of politics in its existence. After the establishment of Turkish Republic, one of most important implementation in Taksim Square, reflecting the internationalist style, was the construction of Opera Building in Prost Plan. The first design of the opera building belonged to Aguste Perret, which could not be implemented due to economic hardship during World War II. Later the project was designed by architects Feridun Kip and Rüknettin Güney in 1946 but could not be completed due to 1960 military coup. Later the project was shifted to another architect Hayati Tabanlıoglu, with a change in its function as a cultural center. Eventually, the construction of the building was completed in 1969 in a completely different design. AKM became a symbol of republican modernism not only with its modern architectural style but also with it is function as the first opera building of the republic, reflecting the western, modern cultural heritage by professional groups, artists and the intelligentsia. In 2005, Istanbul’s council for the protection of cultural heritage decided to list AKM as a grade 1 cultural heritage, ending a period of controversy which saw calls for the demolition of the center as it was claimed it ended its useful lifespan. In 2008 the building was announced to be closed for repairs and restoration. Over the following years, the building was demolished piece by piece silently while Taksim mosque has been built just in front of Atatürk Cultural Center. Belonging to the early republican period, AKM was a representation of a cultural production of a modern society for the emergence and westward looking, secular public space in Turkey. Its erasure from Taksim scene under the rule of the conservative government, Justice and Development Party and the construction of Taksim mosque in front of AKM’s parcel is also representational. The question of governing the city through space has always been an important aspect for governments, those holding political power since cities are the chaotic environments that are seen as a threat for the governments, carrying the tensions of proletariat or the contradictory groups. The story of AKM as a dispositive or a regulatory apparatus demonstrates how space itself is becoming a political medium, to transform the socio-political condition. The article aims to discuss the existence and demolishment of Atatürk Cultural Center by discussing the constructed and demolished building as a place of memory and a space of politics.

Keywords: space of politics, place of memory, atatürk cultural center, taksim square

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Authors: Josie West

Abstract:

This paper focuses on the conflicts and utility of Marxist Feminist frames for sex work research, drawing on findings uncovered through in-depth interviews with online sex workers, alongside critical discourse analysis of media and political commentary. It brings the critical perspective of women into digital workerism and gig economy dialogue who, despite their significant presence within online work, have been overlooked. The autonomist Marxist concept of class composition is adopted to unpack the social, technical and political composition of this often-invisible segment of the service sector. Autonomism makes visible the perspective of workers engaged in processes of mobilization and demobilizaiton. This allows researchers to find everyday forms of resistance which occur within and outside trade unions. On the other hand, Marxist feminist arguments about invisibility politics can generate unhelpful allegories about sex work as domestic labour within the reproductive sphere. Nick Srnicek’s development of Marx’s notion of infrastructure rents helps theorize experiences of unpaid labour within online sex work. Moreover, debates about anti-work politics can cause conflict among sex workers fighting for the labour movement and those rejecting the capitalist work ethic. This illuminates’ tensions caused by white privilege and differing experiences of sex work. The monopolistic and competitive nature of sex work platforms within platform capitalism, and the vulnerable position of marginalised workers within stigmatized/criminalised markets, complicates anti-work politics further. This paper is situated within the feminist sex wars and the intensely divisive question of whether sex workers are victims of the patriarchy or symbols of feminist resistance. Camgirls are shown to engage in radical tactics of resistance against their technical composition on popular sex work platforms. They also engage in creative acts of resistance through performance art, in an attempt to draw attention to stigma and anti-criminalization politics. This sector offers a fascinating window onto grassroots class-action, alongside education about ‘whorephobia.’ A case study of resistance against Only Fans, and a small workers co-operative which emerged during the pandemic, showcases how workers engage in socialist and political acts without the aid of unions. Workers are victims of neoliberalism and simultaneous adopters of neoliberal strategies of survival. The complex dynamics within unions are explored, including tensions with grass-roots resistance, financial pressures and intersecting complications of class, gender and race.

Keywords: autonomist marxism, digital labor, feminism, neoliberalism, sex work, platform capitalism

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Authors: Alireza Monzavi Chaleshtari, Maryam Aliakbari

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Objective: The aim of this study was to investigate the prediction of child attachment style based on a positive and safe combination parenting method mediated by maternal attachment styles in children with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder. Method: The design of the present study was descriptive of correlation and structural equations and applied in terms of purpose. The population of this study includes all children with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder living in Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari province and their mothers. The sample size of the above study includes 165children with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder in Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari province with their mothers, who were selected by purposive sampling method based on the inclusion criteria. The obtained data were analyzed in two sections of descriptive and inferential statistics. In the descriptive statistics section, statistical indices of mean, standard deviation, frequency distribution table and graph were used. In the inferential section, according to the nature of the hypotheses and objectives of the research, the data were analyzed using Pearson correlation coefficient tests, Bootstrap test and structural equation model. findings:The results of structural equation modeling showed that the research models fit and showed a positive and safe combination parenting style mediated by the mother attachment style has an indirect effect on the child attachment style. Also, a positive and safe combined parenting style has a direct relationship with child attachment style, and She has a mother attachment style. Conclusion:The results and findings of the present study show that there is a significant relationship between positive and safe combination parenting methods and attachment styles of children with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder with maternal attachment style mediation. Therefore, it can be expected that parents using a positive and safe combination232 parenting method can effectively lead to secure attachment in children with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder.

Keywords: child attachment style, positive and safe parenting, maternal attachment style, ADHD

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Authors: Ghulamhossein Nezami

Abstract:

Civilizations based in Iran, especially in the south, have always realized the all-around importance of the Persian Sea and for various reasons, have paid full attention to it. The first of these was the pre-Aryan government, Ilam in the coastal province of Sharihum and the city of Lian (now the port of Bushehr) in terms of trade, defense and religion. With the establishment of the Achaemenids on the entire plateau of Iran to the center of Persia, they created several communication routes from Parseh to the shores of the Persian Gulf, which ended in the present Bushehr province. This coastal area was extended by a road in the coastal plain to the more southern parts of the ports of Ausinze - according to Ptolemy the port of Siraf before the Sassanids - and Epstane and Hormozia in the present-day Strait of Hormuz. Meanwhile, the ancient city of Temukknana, whose new historical documents testify to its extraordinary importance in the Achaemenid period, especially Darius I of the Achaemenids, from a strategic position with the coastal areas, the coasts and on the other hand with the gamers, the political center. - Achaemenid administration, had. New archeological evidence, research, and excavations show that both the famous Achaemenid kings and courtiers paid special attention to Tamukknana. The discovery of a tomb and three Achaemenid palaces from before the reign of Cyrus to Xerxes in this region showed the importance of the strategic, security-defense and commercial position of this region, extraordinary for the Achaemenids. Therefore, the city of Temukkana in the Dashtestan region of present-day Bushehr province became an important Achaemenid center on the Persian Gulf coast and became the political-economic center of gravity of the Achaemenids and the regulator of communication networks on the Persian Gulf coast. This event showed that the Achaemenids attached importance to their economic goals and oversight of their vast territory by the Persian Gulf. Methods: Book resources and field study.

Keywords: Achaemenids, Bushehr, Persian Gulf, Tamukkana

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Authors: Taoufik Djennane

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Algeria is characterized by a fragmented language education policy. While pre-university education is entirely conducted in Arabic, higher education remains linguistically divided, with some fields offered in Arabic and others exclusively based on French. Within this linguistic policy, English remains far behind French. However, there has been a significant shift in the state’s linguistic orientation since the social riot of March 2019, known as El-Hirak, which ousted away the ex-president. Since then, social calls were voiced to get rid of French, and English started to receive an unprecedented political push. The historical decision only came at the beginning of the academic year 2023-2024 when the ministry of higher education imposed English as medium of instruction (hereafter EMI), especially in scientific and technological fields. As such, this paper considered this abrupt switch in the medium of instruction and its effects on the community of teachers. Building on a socio-psychological approach, teachers’ attitudes towards EMI were measured. Data were collected using classroom observation, semi-structured interviews and a survey. The results showed that a clear majority of teachers hold negative attitudes towards EMI. The point is that they are linguistically incompetent, and they are not ready yet to deliver content subjects in a language they have no, or little, command of. The study showed the importance of considering attitudes in the ‘policy-formation’ stage before the ‘implementation’ stage. The findings also proved that teachers are not passive bystanders; they can rather be the final arbiters imposing themselves as policy-makers resisting ministerial instructions through their linguistic practices inside the classroom which only acknowledge French. The study showed the necessity to avoid sudden switch and opt for gradual change, without putting aside those who are directly concerned with political/pedagogical measures (teachers, learners, etc).

Keywords: micro planning, EMI, language education policy, agency

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Authors: Andrea Scapolo, Zaya Rustamova, Arturo Matute Castro

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The “Voices in Dissent” initiative aims at collecting and making available in a digital format, testimonies, letters, and other narratives produced by victims of political oppression from different geographical spaces across the Atlantic. By recovering silenced voices behind the official narratives, this open-access online database will provide indispensable tools for rewriting the history of authoritarian regimes from the margins as memory debates continue to provoke controversy among academic and popular transnational circles. In providing an extensive database of non-hegemonic discourses in a variety of political and social contexts, the project will complement the existing European and Latin-American studies, and invite further interdisciplinary and trans-national research. This digital resource will be available to academic communities and the general audience and will be organized geographically and chronologically. “Voices in Dissent” will offer a first comprehensive study of these personal accounts of persecution and repression against determined historical backgrounds and their impact on collective memory formation in contemporary societies. The digitalization of these texts will allow to run metadata analyses and adopt comparatist approaches for a broad range of research endeavors. Most of the testimonies included in our archive are testimonies of trauma: the trauma of exile, imprisonment, torture, humiliation, censorship. The research on trauma has now reached critical mass and offers a broad spectrum of critical perspectives. By putting together testimonies from different geographical and historical contexts, our project will provide readers and scholars with an extraordinary opportunity to investigate how culture shapes individual and collective memories and provides or denies resources to make sense and cope with the trauma. For scholars dealing with the epistemological and rhetorical analysis of testimonies, an online open-access archive will prove particularly beneficial to test theories on truth status and the formation of belief as well as to study the articulation of discourse. An important aspect of this project is also its pedagogical applications since it will contribute to the creation of Open Educational Resources (OER) to support students and educators worldwide. Through collaborations with our Library System, the archive will form part of the Digital Commons database. The texts collected in this online archive will be made available in the original languages as well as in English translation. They will be accompanied by a critical apparatus that will contextualize them historically by providing relevant background information and bibliographical references. All these materials can serve as a springboard for a broad variety of educational projects and classroom activities. They can also be used to design specific content courses or modules. In conclusion, the desirable outcomes of the “Voices in Dissent” project are: 1. the collections and digitalization of political dissent testimonies; 2. the building of a network of scholars, educators, and learners involved in the design, development, and sustainability of the digital archive; 3. the integration of the content of the archive in both research and teaching endeavors, such as publication of scholarly articles, design of new upper-level courses, and integration of the materials in existing courses.

Keywords: digital archive, dissent, open educational resources, testimonies, transatlantic studies

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Authors: M. Wangai

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Following the promulgation of a new Constitution of Kenya in 2010, wide-ranging proposals for reform of the criminal justice system have been made. Proposed measures include a clear and separate system of dealing with juvenile offenders with a greater focus on rehabilitation and reintegration. As part of a broader constitutional transition, this article considers the contribution of restorative justice to reforming the youth justice system. The paper analyses Kenya’s juvenile justice legal framework measured against current international trends in youth justice. It identifies the first post-independence juvenile justice system as a remnant of the colonial period and notes that the post-2001 system is a marked improvement. More recent legal and institutional efforts to incorporate restorative justice are also examined. The paper advocates further development of the juvenile justice system by mainstreaming of restorative justice principles through national level legislative amendments. International and comparative perspectives are used to inform a diversion centered model of restorative justice. In addition, a case is made for the use of existing forms of alternative dispute resolution. Conscious of a tense political climate, the paper also proposes strategies to address challenges posed by a punitive penal environment, chiefly the linking of restorative justice to wider democratic goals and community spirit. The article concludes that restorative justice led juvenile justice reform will contribute to better treatment of young offenders under the criminal justice system and has the potential to set a new precedent for fair, sustainable and effective justice. Further, as part of far-reaching criminal justice reform, the proposed efforts may strengthen democratic progress in Kenya’s ensuing phase of political transition.

Keywords: constitutional transition, criminal justice, restorative justice, young offenders

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Authors: Romeu Bonk Mesquita

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Argentina is the South American number 1 country of destiny to intraregional migration flows. This research aims to shed light on the main trends of the Argentine immigrant policy from 2016 on, when Mauricio Marci was elected President, taking the approval of the current and fairly protective of human rights Ley de Migraciones (2003) as an analytical starting point. Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA) serves as the theoretical background, highlighting decision-making processes and institutional designs that encourage or constraint political and social actors. The analysis goes through domestic and international levels, observing how immigration policy is formulated as a public policy and is simultaneously connected to Mercosur and other international organizations, such as the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Thus, the study revolves around the Direccion Nacional de Migraciones, which is the state agency in charge of executing the country’s immigrant policy, as to comprehend how its internal processes and the connections it has with both domestic and international institutions shape Argentina’s immigrant policy formulation and execution. Also, it aims to locate the migration agenda within the country’s contemporary social and political context. The methodology is qualitative, case-based and oriented by process-tracing techniques. Empirical evidence gathered includes official documents and data, media coverage and interviews to key-informants. Recent events, such as the Decreto de Necesidad y Urgencia 70/2017 issued by President Macri, and the return of discursive association between migration and criminality, indicate a trend of nationalization and securitization of the immigration policy in contemporary Argentina.

Keywords: Argentine foreign policy, human rights, immigrant policy, Mercosur

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Authors: M. E. Khiav, D. J. Borah, H. T. S. Santos, V. T. Faria

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For automobile companies, it has become very important to ensure sound quality in manufacturing and assembling in order to prevent occurrence of defects and to reduce the amount of parts replacements to be done in the service centers during the warranty period. Statistical Process Control (SPC) is widely used as the tool to analyze the quality of such processes and plays a significant role in the improvement of the processes by identifying the patterns and the location of the defects. In this paper, a case study has been conducted on an Iranian automobile company. This paper performs a quality analysis of a particular component called “Internal Bearing for the Back Wheel” of a particular car model, manufactured by the company, based on the 10 million data received from its service centers located all over the country. By creating control charts including X bar–S charts and EWMA charts, it has been observed after the year 2009, the specific component underwent frequent failures and there has been a sharp dip in the average distance covered by the cars till the specific component requires replacement/maintenance. Correlation analysis was performed to find out the reasons that might have affected the quality of the specific component in all the cars produced by the company after the year 2009. Apart from manufacturing issues, some political and environmental factors have been identified to have a potential impact on the quality of the component. A maiden attempt has been made to analyze the quality issues within an Iranian automobile manufacturer; such issues often get neglected in developing countries. The paper also discusses the possibility of political scenario of Iran and the country’s environmental conditions affecting the quality of the end products, which not only strengthens the extant literature but also provides a new direction for future research.

Keywords: capability analysis, car manufacturing, statistical process control, quality control, quality tools

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Authors: Bellinda R. Chinowawa

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As part of a wider strategy to stifle civil society, Governments routinely resort to judicial harassment through the use of civil and criminal to impugn the integrity of human rights defenders and that of perceived political opponents. This phenomenon is rife in militarised or autocratic regimes where there is no tolerance for dissenting voices. Zimbabwe, ostensibly a presidential republic founded on the values of transparency, equality, freedom, is characterised by brutal suppression of perceived political opponents and those who assert their basic human rights. This is done through a wide range of tactics including unlawful arrests and detention, torture and other cruel, inhuman degrading treatment and enforced disappearances. Professionals including, journalists and doctors are similarly not spared from state attack. For human rights defenders, the most widely used tool of repression is that of judicial harassment where the judicial system is used to persecute them. This can include the levying of criminal charges, civil lawsuits and unnecessary administrative proceedings. Charges preferred against range from petty offences such as criminal nuisance to more serious charges of terrorism and subverting a constitutional government. Additionally, government sponsored individuals and organisations file strategic lawsuits with pecuniary implications order to intimidate and silence critics and engender self-censorship. Some HRDs are convicted and sentenced to prison terms, despite not being criminals in a true sense. While others are acquitted judicial harassment diverts energy and resources away from their human rights work. Through a consideration of statistical data reported by human rights organisations and face to face interviews with a cross section of human rights defenders, the article will map the incidence of judicial harassment in Zimbabwe. The article will consider the multi-level sociological and contextual factors which influence the Government of Zimbabwe to have easy recourse to criminal law and the debilitating effect of these actions on HRDs. These factors include the breakdown of the rule of law resulting in state capture of the judiciary, the proven efficacy of judicial harassment from colonial times to date, and the lack of an adequate redress mechanism at international level. By mapping the use of the judiciary as a tool of repression, from the inception of modern day Zimbabwe to date, it is hoped that HRDs will realise that they are part of a greater community of activists throughout the ages and should emboldened in the realisation that it is an age old tactic used by fallen regimes which should not deter them from calling for accountability.

Keywords: autocratic regime, colonial legacy, judicial harassment, human rights defenders

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Authors: Daniel Alati

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Recent high-profile terrorist events in Canada, the United Kingdom and Europe – the London Bridge attacks, the terrorist attacks in Nice, France and Barcelona, Spain, the 2014 Ottawa Parliament attacks and the 2017 attacks in Edmonton – have all raised levels of public and academic concern with so-called “lone-wolf” and “radicalized” terrorism. Similarly, several countries outside of the “Western” world have been dealing with radicalization to violent extremism for several years. Many South East Asian countries, including Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore and the Philippines have all had experience with what might be described as ISIS or extremist-inspired acts of terrorism. Indeed, it appears the greatest strength of groups such as ISIS has been their ability to spread a global message of violent extremism that has led to radicalization in markedly different jurisdictions throughout the world. These markedly different jurisdictions have responded with counter-radicalization strategies that warrant further comparative analysis. This paper utilizes an inter-disciplinary legal methodology. In doing so, it compares legal, political, cultural and historical aspects of the counter-radicalization strategies employed by Canada, the United Kingdom and several South East Asian countries (Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore and the Philippines). Whilst acknowledging significant legal and political differences between these jurisdictions, the paper engages in these analyses with an eye towards understanding which best practices might be shared between the jurisdictions. In doing so, it presents valuable findings of a comparative nature that are useful to both academic and practitioner audiences in several jurisdictions.

Keywords: Canada, United Kingdom and South East Asia, comparative law and politics, radicalization to violent extremism, terrorism

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Authors: German Ricci

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The research aims to analyse the symbolic power of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in its relationship with a borrowing country, drawing upon Pierre Bourdieu’s Field Theory. This theory of power, typical of constructivist structuralism, has been minor used in international relations. Thus, selecting this perspective offers a new understanding of how the IMF's power operates and is structured. The IMF makes periodic economic reviews in which the staff evaluates the Government's performance. It also offers “last instance” loans when private external credit is not accessible. This relationship generates great expectations in financial agents because the IMF’s statements indicate the capacity of the Nation-State to meet its payment obligations (or not). Therefore, it is argued that the IMF is a legitimate actor for financial agents concerned about a government facing an economic crisis both for the effects of its immediate economic contribution through loans and the promotion of adjustment programs, helpful to guarantee the payment of the external debt. This legitimacy implies a symbolic power relationship in addition to the already known economic power relationship. Obtaining the IMF's consent implies that the government partially puts its political-economic decisions into play since the monetary policy must be agreed upon with the Fund. This has consequences at the local level. First, it implies that the debtor state must establish a daily relationship with the Fund. This everyday interaction with the Fund influences how officials and policymakers internalize the meaning of political management. On the other hand, if the Government has access to the IMF's seal of approval, the State will be again in a position to re-enter the financial market and go back into debt to face external debt. This means that private creditors increase the chances of collecting the debt and, again, grant credits. Thus, it is argued that the borrowing country submits to the relationship with the IMF in search of the latter's economic and symbolic capital. Access to this symbolic capital has objective and subjective repercussions at the national level that might tend to reproduce the relevance of the financial market and legitimizes the IMF’s intervention during economic crises. The paper has Argentina as its case study, given its historical relationship with the IMF and the relevance of the current indebtedness period, which remains largely unexplored. Argentina’s economy is characterized by recurrent financial crises, and it is the country to which the Fund has lent the most in its entire history. It surpasses more than three times the second, Egypt. In addition, Argentina is currently the country that owes the most to the Fund after receiving the largest loan ever granted by the IMF in 2018, and a new agreement in 2022. While the historical strong association with the Fund culminated in the most acute economic and social crisis in the country’s contemporary history, producing an unprecedented political and institutional crisis in 2001, Argentina still recognized the IMF as the only way out during economic crises.

Keywords: IMF, fields theory, symbolic power, Argentina, Bourdieu

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Authors: Nessreen Y. Ibrahim

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Designing the future according to realistic analytical study for the futuristic market needs can be a milestone strategy to make a huge improvement in developing countries economics. In developing countries, access to high technology and latest science approaches is very limited. The financial problems in low and medium income countries have negative effects on the kind and quality of imported new technologies and application for their markets. Thus, there is a strong need for shifting paradigm thinking in the design process to improve and evolve their development strategy. This paper discusses future possibilities in developing countries, and how they can design their own future according to specific future models FDM (Future Design Models), which established to solve certain economical problems, as well as political and cultural conflicts. FDM is strategic thinking framework provides an improvement in both content and process. The content includes; beliefs, values, mission, purpose, conceptual frameworks, research, and practice, while the process includes; design methodology, design systems, and design managements tools. In this paper the main objective was building an innovative economic model to design a chosen possible futuristic scenario; by understanding the market future needs, analyze real world setting, solve the model questions by future driven design, and finally interpret the results, to discuss to what extent the results can be transferred to the real world. The paper discusses Egypt as a potential case study. Since, Egypt has highly complex economical problems, extra-dynamic political factors, and very rich cultural aspects; we considered Egypt is a very challenging example for applying FDM. The paper results recommended using FDM numerical modeling as a starting point to design the future.

Keywords: developing countries, economic models, future design, possible futures

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Authors: Ana Cristina García-Luna Romero

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This document seeks to reflect on the urban project from its conceptual identity root. In the first instance, a proposal is made on how the city project is sustained from the conceptual root, from the logos: it opens a way to assimilate the imagination; what we imagine becomes a reality. In this way, firstly, the need to use language as a vehicle for transmitting the stories that sustain us as humanity can be deemed as an important social factor that enables us to social behavior. Secondly, the need to attend to the written language as a mechanism of power, as a means to consolidate a dominant ideology or a political position, is raised; as it served to carry out the modernization project, it is therefore addressed differences between the real and the literate city. Thus, the consolidated urban-architectural project is based on logos, the project, and planning. Considering the importance of materiality and its relation to subjective well-being contextualized from a socio-urban approach, we question ourselves into how we can look at something that is doubtful. From a philosophy perspective, the truth is considered to be nothing more than a matter of correspondence between the observer and the observed. To understand beyond the relative of the gaze, it is necessary to expose different perspectives since it depends on the understanding of what is observed and how it is critically analyzed. Therefore, the analysis of materiality, as a political field, takes a proposal based on this research in the principles in transgenesis: principle of communication, representativeness, security, health, malleability, availability of potentiality or development, conservation, sustainability, economy, harmony, stability, accessibility, justice, legibility, significance, consistency, joint responsibility, connectivity, beauty, among others. The (urban) human being acts because he wants to live in a certain way: in a community, in a fair way, with opportunity for development, with the possibility of managing the environment according to their needs, etc. In order to comply with this principle, it is necessary to design strategies from the principles in transgenesis, which must be named, defined, understood, and socialized by the urban being, the companies, and from themselves. In this way, the technical status of the city in the neoliberal present determines extraordinary conditions for reflecting on an almost emergency scenario created by the impact of cities that, far from being limited to resilient proposals, must aim at the reflection of the urban process that the present social model has generated. Therefore, can we rethink the paradigm of the perception of life quality in the current neoliberal model in the production of the character of public space related to the practices of being urban. What we are trying to do within this document is to build a framework to study under what logic the practices of the social system that make sense of the public space are developed, what the implications of the phenomena of the inscription of action and materialization (and its results over political action between the social and the technical system) are and finally, how we can improve the quality of life of individuals from the urban space.

Keywords: cities, nature, society, urban quality of life

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Authors: Saadia Izzeldin Malik

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Lack of ethics is the crisis of the 21-century. Today’s global world is filled with economic, political, environmental, media/communication, and social crises that all generated by the eroding fabric of ethics and moral values that guide human’s decisions in all aspects of live. Our global world is guided by liberal western democratic principles and liberal capitalist economic principles that define and reinforce each other. In economic terms, capitalism has turned world economic systems into one market place of ideas and products controlled by big multinational corporations that not only determine the conditions and terms of commodity production and commodity exchange between countries, but also transform the political economy of media systems around the globe. The citizen (read the consumer) today is the target of persuasion by all types of media at a time when her/his interests should be, ethically and in principle, the basic significant factor in the selection of media content. It is very important in this juncture of clashing media values –professional and commercial- and wide spread ethical lapses of media organizations and media professionals to think of a perspective to theorize these conflicting values within a broader framework of media ethics. Thus, the aim of this paper is to, epistemologically, bring to the center a perspective on media ethics as a basis for reconciliation of clashing values of the media. The paper focuses on conflicting ethical values in current media debate; namely ownership of media vs. press freedom, individual right for privacy vs. public right to know, and global western consumerism values vs. media values. The paper concludes that a framework to reconcile conflicting values of media ethics should focus on the “individual” journalist and his/her moral development as well as focus on maintaining ethical principles of the media as an institution with a primary social responsibility for the “public” it serves.

Keywords: ethics, media, journalism, social responsibility, conflicting values, global

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Authors: Mathieu Hemono, Sophie Puig-Malet, Patrick Zylberman, Avner Bar-Hen, Rainer Sauerborn, Stefanie Schütte, Niamh Herlihi, Antoine Flahault et Anneliese Depoux

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Since the IPCC released its first report in 1990, an increasing number of peer-reviewed publications have reported the health risks associated with climate change. Although there is a large body of evidence supporting the association between climate change and poor health outcomes, the media is inconsistent in the attention it pays to the subject matter. This study aims to analyze the modalities and rhetoric in the media concerning the impact of climate change on health in order to better understand its role in information dissemination. A review was conducted of articles published between 1990 and 2015 in the francophone newspapers Le Monde and Jeune Afrique. A detailed search strategy including specific climate and health terminology was used to search the newspapers’ online databases. 1202 articles were identified as having referenced the terms climate change and health. Inclusion and exclusion criteria were applied to narrow the search to articles referencing the effects of climate change on human health and 160 articles were included in the final analysis. Data was extracted and categorized to create a structured database allowing for further investigation and analysis. The review indicated that although 66% of the selected newspaper articles reference scientific evidence of the impact of climate change on human health, the focus on the topic is limited major political events or is circumstances relating to public health crises. Main findings also include that among the many direct and indirect health outcomes, infectious diseases are the main health outcome highlighted in association with climate change. Lastly, the articles suggest that while developed countries have caused most of the greenhouse effect, the global south is more immediately affected. Overall, the reviewed articles reinforce the need for international cooperation in finding a solution to mitigate the effects of climate change on health. The manner in which scientific results are communicated and disseminated, impact individual and collective perceptions of the topic in the public sphere and affect political will to shape policy. The results of this analysis will underline the modalities of the rhetoric of transparency and provide the basis for a perception study of media discourses. This study is part of an interdisciplinary project called 4CHealth that confronts results of the research done on scientific, political and press literature to better understand how the knowledge on climate changes and health circulates within those different fields and whether and how it is translated to real world change.

Keywords: climate change, health, health impacts, communication, media, rhetoric, awareness, Global South, Africa

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