Search results for: political discourse analysis

Authors: Khadeeja Munawar, Shamsul Haque

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We examined the plausibility of transition theory suggesting that memories of transitional events, which give rise to a significant and persistent change in the fabric of daily life, are organized around the historically defined autobiographical periods (H-DAPs). 141 Pakistani older adults retrieved 10 autobiographical memories (AMs) each to 10 cue words. As the history of Pakistan is dominated by various political and nationwide transitional events, it was expected that the participants would recall memories with H-DAPs references. The content analysis revealed that 0.7% of memories had H-DAP references and 0.4% memories mentioned major transitional events such as War/Natural Disaster. There was a vivid reminiscence bump between 10 - 20 years of age in lifespan distribution of AMs. There were 67.9% social-focused AMs. Significantly more self-focused memories were reported by individuals who endorsed themselves as conservatives. Only a few H-DAPs were reported, although the history of Pakistan was dominated by numerous political, historical and nationwide transitional events. Memories within and outside of the bump period were mostly positive. The participants rarely used historical/political or nationwide significant events or periods to date the memories elicited. The intense and nationwide (as well as region-wise) significant historical/political events spawned across decades in the lives of participants of the present study but these events did not produce H-DAPs. The findings contradicted the previous studies on H-DAPs and transition theory. The dominance of social-focused AMs in the present study is in line with the past studies comparing the memories of collectivist and individualist cultures (i.e., European Americans vs. Asian, African and Latin-American cultures). The past empirical evidence shows that conservative values and beliefs are adopted as a coping strategy to feel secure in the face of danger when future is dominated with uncertainty and to connect to likeminded others. In the present study, conservative political ideology is somehow assisting the participants in living a stable life midst of their complex social worlds. The reminiscence bump, as well as dominance of positive memories within and outside the bump period, are in line with the narrative/identity account which states that the events and experiences during adolescence and early adulthood assimilate into a person’s lifelong narratives. Hence these events are used as identity markers and are more easily recalled later in life. Also, according to socioemotional theory and the positivity effect, the participants evaluated past events more positively as they grow up and the intensity of negative emotions decreased with time.

Keywords: autobiographical memory, historically defined autobiographical periods, narrative/identity account, Pakistan, reminiscence bump, SMS framework, transition theory

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Authors: Samanwita Paul

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Borrowing from Kabeer’s framework of empowerment, participation of women at Panchayat level politics (grassroots level of politics in India) has been conceptualized as a resource in the study and the impact of the same in influencing the policies at the grassroots as an agency. The study attempts to examine such intricacies in the dynamics of participation and policy formulation at the Panchayat level and to assess its overall impact in altering the recognition and redistribution of women. A conscious attempt has been made to go beyond formal politics and consider participants of the informal political processes as subjects of the study. Primary surveys were conducted for data collection in 4 Panchayat villages (from Jalpaiguri district in West Bengal) of which 2 wards from each were selected based on the nature of reservation of the panchayat seats. In-depth interviews with the Panchayat members and an approximate of 80 voters from each of the villages were conducted. This has been further analyzed with the aid of appropriate statistical tools and narratives. Preliminary findings show that women from vulnerable sections tend to participate more in the political process since it offers them a means of negotiating with their vulnerabilities however in case of its impact on policy formulation, the effect of women’s participation does to appear to be as profound.

Keywords: recognition, redistribution, political participation, women

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Authors: Rajni Singh, Rakesh Mishra, Mukunda Upadhyay

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India is among the nations born out of partition that led to one of the greatest forced migrations that marked the past century. The Indian subcontinent got partitioned into two nation-states, namely India and Pakistan. This led to an unexampled mass displacement of people accounting for about 20 million in the subcontinent as a whole. This exemplifies the socio-political version of displacement, but there are other identified reasons leading to human displacement viz., natural calamities, development projects and people-trafficking and smuggling. Although forced migrations are rare in incidence, they are mostly region-specific and a very less percentage of population appears to be affected by it. However, when this percentage is transcripted in terms of volume, the real impact created by such migration can be realized. Forced migration is thus an issue related to the lives of many people and requires to be addressed with proper intervention. Forced or involuntary migration decimates peoples' assets while taking from them their most basic resources and makes them migrate without planning and intention. This in most cases proves to be a burden on the destination resources. Thus, the question related to their security concerns arise profoundly with regard to the protection and safeguards to these migrants who need help at the place of destination. This brings the human security dimension of forced migration into picture. The present study is an analysis of a sample of 1501 persons by NSSO in India (National Sample Survey Organisation), which identifies three reasons for forced migration- natural disaster, social/political problem and displacement by development projects. It was observed that, of the total forced migrants, about 4/5th comprised of the internally displaced persons. However, there was a huge inflow of such migrants to the country from across the borders also, the major contributing countries being Bangladesh, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Gulf countries and Nepal. Among the three reasons for involuntary migration, social and political problem is the most prominent in displacing huge masses of population; it is also the reason where the share of international migrants to that of internally displaced is higher compared to the other two factors /reasons. Second to political and social problems, natural calamities displaced a high portion of the involuntary migrants. The present paper examines the factors which increase people's vulnerability to forced migration. On perusing the background characteristics of the migrants it was seen that those who were economically weak and socially fragile are more susceptible to migration. Therefore, getting an insight about this fragile group of society is required so that government policies can benefit these in the most efficient and targeted manner.

Keywords: involuntary migration, displacement, natural disaster, social and political problem

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Authors: K. P. Gogoi

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The current research study investigates the motivational pattern viz Power motivation among the tribal college students of Assam. The sample consisted of 240 college students (120 tribal and 120 non-tribal) ranging from 18-24 years, 60 males and 60 females for both tribal’s and non-tribal’s. Attempts were made to include all the prominent tribes of Assam viz. Thematic Apperception Test, Power motive Scale and a semi structured interview schedule were used to gather information about their family types, parental deprivation, parental relations, social and political belongingness. Mean, Standard Deviation, and t-test were the statistical measures adopted in this 2x2 factorial design study. In addition to this discriminant analysis has been worked out to strengthen the predictive validity of the obtained data. TAT scores reveal significant difference between the tribal’s and non-tribal on power motivation. However results obtained on gender difference indicates similar scores among both the cultures. Cross validation of the TAT results was done by using the power motive scale by T. S. Dapola which confirms the results on need for power through TAT scores. Power motivation has been studied in three directions i.e. coercion, inducement and restraint. An interesting finding is that on coercion tribal’s score high showing significant difference whereas in inducement or seduction the non-tribal’s scored high showing significant difference. On the other hand on restraint no difference exists between both cultures. Discriminant analysis has been worked out between the variables n-power, coercion, inducement and restraint. Results indicated that inducement or seduction (.502) is the dependent measure which has the most discriminating power between these two cultures.

Keywords: power motivation, tribal, social, political, predictive validity, cross validation, coercion, inducement, restraint

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Authors: Victoria Crynes

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The question of England’s role in Britain is increasingly relevant due to the ongoing rise in citizens identifying as English. Furthermore, the Brexit Referendum was predominantly supported by constituents identifying as English. Few politicians appear to comprehend how Englishness is politically manifested. Politics and the media have depicted English identity as a negative and extremist problem - an inaccurate representation that ignores the breadth of English identifying citizens. This environment prompts the question, 'How are British Politicians Addressing the Modern English Identity Question?' Parliamentary debates, political blogs, and interviews are synthesized to establish a more coherent understanding of the current political attitudes towards English identity, the perceived nature of English identity, and the political manifestation of English representation and governance. Analyzed parliamentary debates addressed the democratic structure of English governance through topics such as English votes for English laws, devolution, and the union. The blogs examined include party-based, multi-author style blogs, and independently authored blogs by politicians, which provide a dynamic and up-to-date representation of party and politician viewpoints. Lastly, fourteen semi-structured interviews of British politicians provide a nuanced perspective on how politicians conceptualize Englishness. Interviewee selection was based on three criteria: (i) Members of Parliament (MP) known for discussing English identity politics, (ii) MPs of strongly English identifying constituencies, (iii) MPs with minimal English identity affiliation. Analysis of parliamentary debates reveals the discussion of English representation has gained little momentum. Many politicians fail to comprehend who the English are, why they desire greater representation and believe that increased recognition of the English would disrupt the unity of the UK. These debates highlight the disconnect of parliament from the disenfranchised English towns. A failure to recognize the legitimacy of English identity politics generates an inability for solution-focused debates to occur. Political blogs demonstrate cross-party recognition of growing English disenfranchisement. The dissatisfaction with British politics derives from multiple factors, including economic decline, shifting community structures, and the delay of Brexit. The left-behind communities have seen little response from Westminster, which is often contrasted to the devolved and louder voices of the other UK nations. Many blogs recognize the need for a political response to the English and lament the lack of party-level initiatives. In comparison, interviews depict an array of local-level initiatives reconnecting MPs to community members. Local efforts include town trips to Westminster, multi-cultural cooking classes, and English language courses. These efforts begin to rebuild positive, local narratives, promote engagement across community sectors, and acknowledge the English voices. These interviewees called for large-scale, political action. Meanwhile, several interviewees denied the saliency of English identity. For them, the term held only extremist narratives. The multi-level analysis reveals continued uncertainty on Englishness within British politics, contrasted with increased recognition of its saliency by politicians. It is paramount that politicians increase discussions on English identity politics to avoid increased alienation of English citizens and to rebuild trust in the abilities of Westminster.

Keywords: British politics, contemporary identity politics and its impacts, English identity, English nationalism, identity politics

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Authors: Manuel Iretzberger

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This paper aims to uncover the ideological aspects in the political thought of Carl Schmitt, who is enjoying an ever-increasing popularity in various academic fields, following in the wake of rising interest in questions of sovereignty and legitimacy. Given Schmitt’s biography, i.e. his role as the ‘Crown Jurist of the Third Reich’ (Gurian), an extraordinarily thorough examination is necessary; however, instead of merely ‘deconstructing’ his works, certain ontological truths he might have attained, shall be taken seriously. To this end, his notions of politics and the state of exception are scrutinized, which are indeed considered intriguing, yet prove to be enigmatic and impalpable at the core when read closely. In order to explain this conjuncture, both Schmitt’s philosophy of history and his ‘secret discussion’ (Agamben) with Walter Benjamin are depicted. As it turns out – it is argued – his concept of the Political has to be conceived of as embedded in a much broader context: In a post-transcendental, immanent age, he regards traditional modes of representation as no longer feasible and clings to authoritarianism as a surrogate – his Catholicism plays a decisive role here, forcing him to inject normatively biased assumptions into his political writings. Seeing Schmitt perform ‘rearguard action’ not only serves to disarm his work of most of its menacing aura, it also allows drawing conclusions about ways of legitimatizing democratic rule in modern times, as the paper tries to outline in its last section.

Keywords: Benjamin, history, immanence, Schmitt, sovereignty

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Authors: Gazal Khan

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This paper investigates the phenomenon of (re) creating and (re) posting of what is popularly known as "gaja-gamini walk" on instagram as a form of digital feminism, examining how these reels (short videos) make meaning in digital spaces. The study analyzes xyz “gaja- gamini walk” reels created by Indian influencers and instagram users, employing qualitative textual analysis, close readings, and digital ethnography to analyze the interplay between media, memory and digital spaces. The research highlights how “gaja-gamini walk” reels, characterized by an assertive presentation, redefines female body aesthetics, re (orients) sexual gaze to provide layered, interwoven and contested narratives. These reels facilitate a unique form of engagement by allowing users to re-share and participate in feminist discourse and allowing reels to function as sites of memory. The paper also discusses the social dynamics of these reels, their intertextuality with cultural narratives, and the limitations of the format for sustained feminist action. Through this analysis, the paper contributes to understanding the role of digital memory in contemporary feminist movements in context of Indian feminism.

Keywords: instagram, gaja-gamni walk, female gaze, digital feminism

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Authors: Elizabeta Eduard Baltadzhyan

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This work presents a stage of an investigation about the metaphorical conceptualization of translation in Bulgarian language. The material is a linguistic corpus consisting of 38 interviews with several generations Bulgarian translators and interpreters. The aim of this presentation is to inform about the results of the organization of the source concepts in scenarios that dominate the discursive manifestations of the source domains. The data show that, on the one hand, translators from different generations share some basic assignments of source and target domains, e. g. translation is a journey or translation is an artistic presentation. On the other hand, there are some specific scenarios motivated by significant changes in the socio-economic structure of the country and the valuation of the translator´s mission and work, e. g., the scenario of pleasure and addictive activity marks the generation that enjoy great support and stimulation from the socialist government, whereas the war scenario marks the generation during the Perestroika time.

Keywords: Bulgarian language, metaphor, scenario, translation

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Authors: Faizan Sultan

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Non-government organizations (NGOs) in Pakistan have the potential to deliver services such as health, education, and rural development through targeting the most vulnerable communities of society. Having this significant importance, NGOs are facing numerous challenges in service delivery. So, there is a need to identify the challenges NGOs face in community development, particularly post-conflict development. The current study has analyzed the social and political constraints in development projects in the post-conflict region of the Swat district of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The objectives of this study are “What are the social and political constraints faced by the nongovernmental organizations in the implementation of development aid Projects in post-conflict development of Swat and to examine the challenges in coordination mechanism between government departments, NGOs, and community in reconstruction activities”. This research is based upon both the quantitative and qualitative data that is being gathered from the NGO representatives, government officials, and community members who were involved in post-conflict development interventions in the Swat region. A purposive sampling technique was used to select respondents from the community members/activists (25 in number) and government and NGO officials (10 in number). Based on analysis against our objectives, NGOs have faced numerous constraints such as Insecurity, Negative Perceptions about NGOs, restrictions on women's mobility, government policies and regulations, lack of coordination and networking, trust deficit, and political interference while implementing their project interventions. These findings concluded that constraints have affected project implementation to a greater extent, including women's participation, involvement of marginalized populations, and equal distribution of resources. In the Swat region, NGOs cannot openly discuss sensitive projects such as human rights, gender-based projects, or women empowerment as these issues are very sensitive to the local community due to their cultural values. The community may not allow their females to go outside their homes as this region is a male-dominated society. Similarly, lack of communication and poor networking for the arrangements of the project meetings were also the major constraints.

Keywords: national disaster management authority, millennium development goals, provincial disaster management authority, provincial reconstruction, rehabilitation and settlement authority

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Authors: Diego Caballero Vélez

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In 1997 the Schengen Convention was incorporated in the mainstream of EU law by the Amsterdam Treaty. It came into effect in 1999 with the abolition of internal border controls in the EU, a milestone in the European integration project. In the meantime, due to the Yugoslav wars, nearly 700,000 asylum applications were filed in the European countries provoking a major refugee crisis. During this period, the opening of Eastern Europe fostered more cooperation and policy-making at the EU level in migration issues. Currently, a similar migratory crisis is taking place in Europe. The Syrian war has caused the most massive influx of immigrants in Europe since World War II. Nevertheless, the EU is adopting different migration policies from those implemented during the Yugoslav migration crisis. The current crisis has not led to a common European position but national responses have been offered on migration policies and responsibility for border security and asylum-seekers. A lot of factors can explain this change from a cooperation scenario to a no cooperation one, such as the economic crisis, but this research is focused on the premise that 'threat perception' lies at the core of some states grand strategies towards migration and it also influences in multilateral or unilateral responses. Migration rests at the nexus of three dimensions of security, including geopolitical interests, material production, and internal security. According to some scholars, migration policy is an 'integral instrument' of state grand strategy in that context. Political integration at the EU might be altered with the emergence of existential threats. In other words, some areas of the European cooperation can be transformed when a 'critical juncture' occurs, for instance a migration crisis. In that instance, Member states could see migration as a matter of threat that modifies their national interests and willingness to embrace international cooperation. This research will focus on EU Member states´ perceptions of the 90´s migration crisis and the current one. The goal is to evaluate to what extent the perceptions of threat are one of the main factors for explaining the transition from a cooperation scenario to a no-cooperation one in European asylum and security policies. To analyze threat perception in both migration crisis, some relevant Member states are treated as cases of study and a comparative analysis is carried out based on public opinion polls, public and policy discourse in migration, voting practices and deconstruction of the migration policies themselves both at EU level and a national one.

Keywords: cooperation, migration crisis, national responses, threat perception

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Authors: Jane E. Alam Solangi

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The contribution of the study is to explore the important part of humorous dialogues in cellular network advertisements. This promotes the message of valuable construction and promotion of network companies in Pakistan that employ different and broad techniques to give promotion to selling products. It merely instigates the consumers to buy it. The results of the study after analysis of its collected data gives a vision that advertisers of network advertisements use humorous dialogues as a significant device to the greater level. The source of entertainment in the advertisement is accompanied by the texts and humorous discourses to influence buying decisions of the consumers. Therefore, it tends to neutralize personal and social based values. The earlier contribution of scholars presented that the technical employment of humorous devices leads to the successful market of the relevant products. In order to analyze the humorous discourse devices, the approach of multi-modality of Fairclough (1989) is used. It is accompanied by the framework of Kress and van Leeuwen’s (1996). It analyzes the visual graph of the grammar. The overall findings in the study verified the role of humorous devices in the captivation of consumers’ decision to buy the product that interests them. Therefore, the role of humor acts as a breaker of the monotonous rhythm of advertisements.

Keywords: advertisements, devices, humorous, multi-modality, networks, Pakistan

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Authors: Liza Ireni-Saban

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The 6.6 magnitude quake event that occurred in 2003 (Bam, Iran) made it impossible for the Iranian government to handle disaster relief efforts domestically. In this extreme event, the Iranian government reached out to the international community, and this created a momentum that had to be carried out by trust-building efforts on all sides, often termed ‘Disaster Diplomacy’. Indeed, the circumstances were even more critical when one considers the increasing political and economic isolation of Iran within the international community. The potential for transformative political space to be opened by disaster has been recognized by dominant international political actors. Despite the fact that Bam 2003 post-disaster relief efforts did not catalyze any diplomatic activities on all sides, it is suggested that few international aid agencies have successfully used disaster recovery to enhance their popular legitimacy and reputation among the international community. In terms of disaster diplomacy, an actor’s reputational capital may affect his ability to build coalitions and alliances to achieve international political ends, to negotiate and build understanding and trust with foreign publics. This study suggests that the post-disaster setting may benefit from using the ecology of games framework to evaluate the role of bridging actors and mediators in facilitating collaborative governance networks. Recent developments in network theory and analysis provide means of structural embeddedness to explore how reputational capital can be built through brokerage roles of actors engaged in a disaster management network. This paper then aims to structure the relations among actors that participated in the post-disaster relief efforts in the 2003 Bam earthquake (Iran) in order to assess under which conditions actors may be strategically utilized to serve as mediating organizations for future disaster events experienced by isolated nations or nations in conflict. The results indicate the strategic use of reputational capital by the Iranian Ministry of Foreign Affairs as key broker to build a successful coordinative system for reducing disaster vulnerabilities. International aid agencies rarely played brokerage roles to coordinate peripheral actors. U.S. foreign assistance (USAID), despite coordination capacities, was prevented from serving brokerage roles in the system.

Keywords: coordination, disaster diplomacy, international aid organizations, Iran

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Authors: Karin Schoenpflug, Christine M. Klapeer

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In a large study for the Vienna City Council’s Antidiscrimination unit (WASt) an interdisciplinary team (in the fields of economics, sociology and political science) working with urban economics, critical citizenship studies, the sociology of work & inequality and urban political/human geography conducted an online survey asking LGBTIs (lesbians, gays, bisexuals, transgender and intersex people) in Vienna detailed questions on their quality-of-life, happiness and well-being. 3.161 persons responded and provided us with a rich data set concerning: 1) Labor market structures, discrimination, working conditions and employment practices (economic citizenship); 2) access to health care, welfare, education and safety in public spaces (social citizenship); 3) political participation as well as access to legal institutions (political citizenship). All those fields are important dimensions in regards to “full” citizenship and the well-being of the LGBTI population, but are also constitutive for the inclusion of sexual and gender minorities into the city population(s) of Vienna. Our data also allows us to map the sexual geography of Vienna as LGBTI communities are more likely to live in certain districts; some places are considered safe(r) and “friendlier”. In this way our work helps to fill a research gap connecting (urban) spaces and sexuality, and it produces new data and insights on the quality-of-life of this subpopulation. Our findings allow for urban (policy) planning and limiting violence and discrimination and improving the collective wellbeing and social cohesion.

Keywords: urban sexual geographies, LGBTI, socio-economic status, Vienna, sitizenship status

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Authors: Rachel-Kate Bowdler

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Wartime efforts, news, and heroic stories are important to the public in understanding the political climate, yet hard to digest. However, graphic novels are able to portray intense sociopolitical themes and reinvent the account for the public. Modern comics centered around war introduces the historical context to new audiences, thus keeping history relevant and remembered. This is a trend in graphic novels that is popular for expressing wartime and political stories. Graphic novels make historical accounts and stories easier to understand and more enjoyable to read through creative expression and stylistic choices like color, design, and personified depictions of characters. This results in the need to analyze intense wartime themes in terms of artistic style and elements contributing to the portrayal of the story. Whether directly or indirectly, comics became an outlet for discussing and portraying wars, especially following World War II. It may also be relevant that comics are influential in attitudes towards war efforts. in conducting in analysis on comic books relating to war time stories and a literature review, this paper will seek to analyze the role that comics play in the dissemination of information and feelings surrounding war efforts and attitudes.

Keywords: artistic style, comics, historical, war, art and culture, journalism and media

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Authors: Guilherme Oliveira

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The assimilation of images and their potential symbolism into lived experiences is inherent. It is through this exercise of recognition via imagistic records that the questioning of the origins of a constant narrative stimulated by the media arises. The construction of the "Man" archetype and the reflections of active masculine imagery in the 21st century, when conveyed through media channels, could potentially have detrimental effects. Addressing this systematic behavioral chronology of virile cisgender, permeated imagistically through these means, involves exploring potential resolutions. Thus, an investigation process is initiated into the potential representation of the 'hero' in this media emulation through idols contextualized in the political sphere, with the purpose of elucidating the processes of simulation and emulation of narratives based on mythical, historical, and sacred accounts. In this process of sharing, the narratives contained in the imagistic structuring offered by information dissemination channels seek validation through a process of public acceptance. To achieve this consensus, a visual set adorned with mythological and sacred symbolisms adapted to the intended environment is promoted, thus utilizing sociocultural characteristics in favor of political marketing. Visual recognition, therefore, becomes a direct reflection of a cultural heritage acquired through lived human experience, stimulated by continuous representations throughout history. Echoes of imagery and narratives undergo a constant process of resignification of their concepts, sharpened by their premises, and adapted to the environment in which they seek to establish themselves. Political figures analyzed in this article employ the practice of taking possession of symbolisms, mythological stories, and heroisms and adapt their visual construction through a continuous praxis of emulation. Thus, they utilize iconic mythological narratives to gain credibility through belief. Utilizing iconic mythological narratives for credibility through belief, the idol becomes the very act of release of trauma, offering believers liberation from preconceived concepts and allowing for the attribution of new meanings. To dissolve this issue and highlight the subjectivities within the intention of the image, a linguistic, semiotic, and anthropological methodology is created. Linguistics uses expressions like 'Blaming the Image' to create a mechanism of expressive action in questioning why to blame a construction or visual composition and thus seek answers in the first act. Semiotics and anthropology develop an imagistic atlas of graphic analysis, seeking to make connections, comparisons, and relations between modern and sacred/mystical narratives, emphasizing the different subjective layers of embedded symbolism. Thus, it constitutes a performative act of disarming the image. It creates a disenchantment of the superficial gaze under the constant reproduction of visual content stimulated by virtual networks, enabling a discussion about the acceptance of caricatures characterized by past fables.

Keywords: image, heroic narrative, media heroism, virile politics, political, myth, sacred performance, visual mythmaking, characterization dynamics

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Authors: Carmen Aguilera-Carnerero

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Islamophobia, the unfounded hostility towards Muslims and Islam, has been deeply studied in the last decades from different perspectives ranging from anthropology, sociology, media studies, and linguistics. In the past few years, we have witnessed how the birth of social media has transformed formerly passive audiences into an active group that not only receives and digests information but also creates and comments publicly on any event of their interest. In this way, average citizens now have been entitled with the power of becoming potential opinion leaders. This rise of social media in the last years gave way to a different way of Islamophobia, the so called ‘cyberIslamophobia’. Considerably less attention, however, has been given to the study of islamophobic images that accompany the texts in social media. This paper attempts to analyse a corpus of 300 images of islamophobic nature taken from social media (from Twitter and Facebook) from the years 2014-2017 to see: a) how hate speech is visually constructed, b) how cyberislamophobia is articulated through images and whether there are differences/similarities between the textual and the visual elements, c) the impact of those images in the audience and their reaction to it and d) whether visual cyberislamophobia has undergone any process of permeating popular culture (for example, through memes) and its real impact. To carry out this task, we have used Critical Discourse Analysis as the most suitable theoretical framework that analyses and criticizes the dominant discourses that affect inequality, injustice, and oppression. The analysis of images was studied according to the theoretical framework provided by the visual framing theory and the visual design grammar to conclude that memes are subtle but very powerful tools to spread Islamophobia and foster hate speech under the guise of humour within popular culture.

Keywords: cyberIslamophobia, visual grammar, social media, popular culture

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Authors: Tien Hui Chiang

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Along with the predominant influence of neo-liberalism, public managerialism is viewed as a panacea for curing the institutionalized weakness caused by the monopoly of the public sector. In the name of efficiency, its outcome-led approach acquires a legitimate status and, in turn, it transforms into the discourse of performativity, reformulating the souls of individual members into the form of docile bodies who are willing to demonstrate their own ability in organizational contributions. The evaluation system and the organizational reconstruction are viewed as the crucial means for achieving this mission. Inevitably, university teachers are confined within a rigid and bureaucratic setting, in which they do not have too much latitude but are subject to the commands of senior administrators. However, the notion of duality highlights the interaction between structural constraints and agency. If the actor discovers the rules or properties of social structure, he/she is able to transform structural constraints into resources for developing creative actions, conceptualized as an agency. This study was designed for examining how duality operates within this hierarchical arrangement formed by public managerialism. Fourteen informants were interviewed from February to August 2014. The findings show that the evaluation system created the culture of neo-academicalism, addressing excellence in research and, in turn, motivating academic-oriented teachers. This correspondence provided a gateway for them to win honor, dignity, and prestige in groups. However, unlike the concept of duality, this agency was operating within the institutionalized context, regulated by structural constraint. Furthermore, complying with the rule/property of social structure was able to secure their advantages.

Keywords: public managerialism, social discourse, neo-academicalism, duality, structural constraint, agency

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Authors: Tom Turner

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The recent financial crisis in 2008 and the growing inequality in developed industrial societies would appear to present significant challenges to capitalism and the free market. Yet there have been few substantial mainstream political or economic challenges to the dominant capitalist and market paradigm to-date. There is no dearth of critical and theoretical (academic) analyses regarding the prevailing systems failures. Yet despite the growing inequality in the developed industrial societies and the financial crisis in 2008 few commentators have advocated the comprehensive socialization or state ownership of the means of production to our knowledge – a core principle of radical Marxism in the 19th and early part of the 20th century. Undoubtedly the experience in the Soviet Union and satellite countries in the 20th century has cast a dark shadow over the notion of centrally controlled economies and state ownership of the means of production. In this paper, we explore the history of a doctrine advocating the socialization or state ownership of the means of production that was central to Marxism and socialism generally. Indeed this doctrine provoked an intense and often acrimonious debate especially for left-wing parties throughout the 20th century. The debate within the political economy tradition has historically tended to divide into a radical and a revisionist approach to changing or reforming capitalism. The radical perspective views the conflict of interest between capital and labor as a persistent and insoluble feature of a capitalist society and advocates the public or state ownership of the means of production. Alternatively, the revisionist perspective focuses on issues of distribution rather than production and emphasizes the possibility of compromise between capital and labor in capitalist societies. Over the 20th century, the radical perspective has faded and even the social democratic revisionist tradition has declined in recent years. We conclude with the major challenges that confront both the radical and revisionist perspectives in the development of viable policy agendas in mature developed democratic societies. Additionally, we consider whether state ownership of the means of production still has relevance in the 21st century and to what extent state ownership is off the agenda as a political issue in the political mainstream in developed industrial societies. A central argument in the paper is that state ownership of the means of production is unlikely to feature as either a practical or theoretical solution to the problems of capitalism post the financial crisis among mainstream political parties of the left. Although the focus here is solely on the shifting views of the radical and revisionist socialist perspectives in the western European tradition the analysis has relevance for the wider socialist movement.

Keywords: sate ownership, ownership means of production, radicals, revisionists

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Authors: Janis Matvejs

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Visual representation of a city creates unique perspectives that allow to interpret the urban environment and enable to understand a space that is culturally created and territorially organized. Residential complexes are an essential part of cities and cinema is a specific representation form of these areas. There has been very little research done on exploring how these areas are depicted in the Thai movies. The aim of this research is to interpret the discourse of residential areas of Bangkok throughout the 20th and 21st centuries and to examine essential changes in the residential structure. Specific cinematic formal techniques in relation to the urban image were used. The movie review results were compared with changes in Bangkok’s residential development. Movie analysis displayed that residential areas are frequently used in Thai cinematography and they make up an integral part of the urban visual perception.

Keywords: Bangkok, cinema, residential area, representation, visual perception

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Authors: Kristof Lukas Heidemann

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In times of democratic backsliding in Western nations restoring public trust in the electoral process ranks among the most urgent tasks on the public agenda. Addressing the role of money in politics is one major part of this effort, however, such an endeavor might affect the constitutional freedom of expression. Attempts to regulate political spending in the U.S. have in recent decades increasingly been overruled by the U.S. Supreme through an expansion of the protective umbrella of the First Amendment over campaign contributions by private organizations, especially in the decisions Buckley v. Valeo and Citizens United v. FEC. In Germany on the other hand this line of argumentation has so far not been submitted to the national Supreme Court. Given that voices calling for stricter and more transparent political financing laws in Germany are growing, it seems only a matter of time until the issue will have to be addressed by the country’s judiciary as well. Therefore, this paper conducts a comparative analysis of the constitutional right to free expression in these two leading democracies in to assess whether the problem of a lack of regulatory options to achieve stricter campaign spending laws due to constitutional restrictions will also arise in Germany. In order to present a comprehensive picture of the subject, the analysis does not only touch upon doctrinal aspects of both systems but also scrutinizes the practical implications from a socio-legal perspective. Although the list of forms of expression in the wording of Art. 5 of the German constitution is generally considered to be non-exhaustive, the investigation concludes that the subsumption of election campaign donations under it is not justifiable using recognized methods of interpretation, in particular concerning a systematic interpretation in light of the principle of equality in Art. 3 of the German constitution.

Keywords: comparative constitutional law, constitutional justice, constitutional law, election law, freedom of speech, fundamental rights, law reform

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Authors: Eric Agyekum, Dominic Asitanga

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Ghana is widely considered asa beacon of democracy in sub-Saharan Africa. With a relatively free media, the country was ranked30thin the world and third in Africaon the 2021 Press Freedom Index. Despite the democratic gains, itis one of the most politically polarized nations in the world. Ghana’spolitical division is evident in the current hunglegislature, where each of the two dominant political parties has 137 members, with an independent member occupying the remaining one seat. Misinformation and fake newsthrive in systems with acuteideological and political differences(Imelda et al, 2021; Azzimonti&Fernandes, 2018; Spohr, 2017) and Ghana is no exception. The information disorder problem has been exacerbatedby the COVID-19 pandemic, with its attendant conspiracy theories and speculations, making it difficult for the media and fact-checking organizations to verifyall claims and flag false information. In Ghana, fact-checking agencies like Ghana Fact, Dubawa Ghana, and some mainstream news media organizations have been fact-checking political claims, COVID-19 conspiracy theories, and many others. However, it is not clear if the audience consumeand attach prominence to these fact-checked stories or even visit the websites of the fact-checking agencies to read the content. Nekmat (2020) opine that though the literature on fact-checking suggest that fact-checked stories can alter readers’ beliefs, very few studies have investigated the patronage and the potential of fact-checks to deter users from sharing false news with others, particularly on social media. In response to Nekmat, this study has been initiated to examine the perception and attitude of the audience in Ghana towards fact-checks. Anchored on the principles of the nudge theory, this study will investigate how fact-checked stories alters readers’ behavioural patterns. A survey will be conducted to collect data from sampled members of the Ghanaian society.

Keywords: fact-checking, information disorder, nudge theory, political polarization

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Authors: Gizem Barreto Martins

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This paper explores the subversive potential inherent in the theatrical language employed within Arthur Miller's The Crucible. The research argues that this play intricately weaves ideological connections with its audience and the historical epoch it represents, effectively serving as a channel for ideological and cultural interaction potentially exerting subversive influences on social and political realms. Using a historical-materialist methodology that situates the play within its historical and political context, all while examining its connections with theater and literary theories, the paper raises a fundamental query: How does this dramatic work embody subversion, presenting a style unburdened by the performative conventions of daily life and prevailing codes and systems of representation? In response to this inquiry, the study asserts that theatrical language has the capacity to function as a subversive catalyst against prevailing ideologies, actively contributing to the process of social transformation. To substantiate this claim, the research conducts a detailed analysis of the selected play, employing the semiotic framework pioneered by Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari.

Keywords: arthur miller, The crucible, gilles deleuze, felix guattari, theater and literary theories

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Authors: Lukman Omobola Adisa

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Spelling is rule bound in a written discourse. It, however, calls into question, when such convention is grossly contravened in a formal setting revered as citadel of learning, despite availability of computer spell-checker, human knowledge, and lexicon. The foregoing reveals the extent of decadence pervading education sector in Nigeria. It is on this premise that this study reviews the effect of spelling on communicative competence of the University of Ibadan Registry Staff. The theoretical framework basically evaluates diverse scholars’ views on communicative competence and how spelling influences the intended meaning of a word/ sentence as a result of undue infringement on grammatical (spelling) rule. Newsletter, bulletin, memo, and letter are four print materials purposively selected while the methodology adopted is content analysis. Similarly, five categories, though not limited to, through which spelling blunders are committed are considered: effect of spelling (omission, addition, and substitution); sound ( homophone); transposition (heading/body: content) and ambiguity (capitalisation, space, and acronym). Subsequently, the analyses, findings, and recommendations are equally looked into. Summarily, the study x-rays effective role(s) plays by spelling in enhancing communicative competence through appropriate usage of linguistic registers.

Keywords: communicative competence, content analysis, effect of spelling, linguistics registers

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Authors: Smita Singh

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Through the constructivist perspective, this paper explores the transformation of India’s nuclear identity from an irresponsible nuclear weapon power to a ‘de-facto nuclear power’ in the emerging international nuclear order From a nuclear abstainer to a bystander and finally as a ‘de facto nuclear weapon state’, India has put forth its case as a unique and exceptional nuclear power as opposed to Iran, Iraq and North Korea with similar nuclear ambitions, who have been snubbed as ‘rogue states’ by the international community. This paper investigates the reasons behind international community’s gradual acceptance of India’s nuclear weapons capabilities and nuclear identity after the Indo-U.S. Nuclear Deal. In this paper, the central concept of analysis is the inter-subjective nature of identity in the nuclear arena. India’s nuclear behaviour has been discursively constituted by India through evolving images of the ‘self’ and the ‘other.’ India’s sudden heightened global status is not solely the consequence of its 1998 nuclear tests but a calibrated projection as a responsible stakeholder in other spheres such as economic potential, market prospects, democratic credentials and so on. By examining India’s nuclear discourse this paper contends that India has used its material and discursive power in presenting a n striking image as a responsible nuclear weapon power (though not yet a legal nuclear weapon state as per the NPT). By historicising India’s nuclear trajectory through an inter-subjective analysis of identities, this paper moves a step ahead in providing a theoretical interpretation of state actions and nuclear identity construction.

Keywords: nuclear identity, India, constructivism, international stakeholder

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Authors: Halilu Babaji, Adamu Buba

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Illicit arms and the emergence of armed groups have witnessed unprecedented situations of political uncertainties in Nigeria, and the twenty-first century globalisation has established the process that has benefited a good number of militia groups and thereby boosting both illicit arms movement and the thriving of terrorist groups, which are largely responsible for the longstanding threat to the national security and stability of the country. This has unleashed unforeseen consequences on the entire Sub-region, following an inflow of weapons and armed fighter which are motivated by weak governance, insecurity and poverty. The social, economic and political environments make it a fertile breeding ground for the penetration and development of terrorist groups in Sub-Saharan Africa.

Keywords: arms, emergence, insecurity, groups

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Authors: A. E. Agbogu

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While scholars have predicted that identity politics (or what is euphemistically referred to as ethnic politics in Nigeria) were a dying phenomenon in other parts of the world, in Nigeria, it has remained the basis of political activity and has indeed become not only the unwritten law of all calculations in the political firmament of the country but also the ultimo ratio. We intend in the paper that follows to explore the reason for this unhealthy development. The paper seeks to offer explanations for the paradoxical reality of the upsurge of ethnic politics in Nigeria when in fact, the phenomenon is apparently on a downward spiral elsewhere in the world, particularly in countries that are at par with Nigeria in terms of national development. The paper is descriptive and qualitative and has relied on available data for its source of materials. Among other things, the paper locates identity politics as a tool in the hands of a national elite that has not transcended the limitations imposes by the shackles of the parsonian particularistic polar attributes which have tended to fixate their weltanschauung or world view on attachments that are unpardonably primordial. In the event, ethnicity becomes a veritable instrument not only for cheap sectional mobilization but also a means for seeking access to the so-called national cake. It is recommended that a way out of this socio-politico malady is the creation of a political arrangement that conduces to the gravitational tendency which will lead to the transfer of loyalties away from the extant ethno-nationalities to the centre.

Keywords: ethnicism, development, crisis, identity politics

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Authors: Cecilia Teljas

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Many government agencies use social media to supplement their traditional communication channels. Government agencies are typically risk-averse, which makes social media practices problematic. However, this case study of the social media use of the Swedish social insurance agency shows considerable bi-directional communication between the agency and the public. On one hand, the agency’s aims, strategies, ways of working and experiences related to its social media communication practice are analyzed. On the other hand, the communication by both the agency and the public is studied on one of the agency’s Facebook pages. The results showed that it is possible for an agency to provide relevant and accurate information in real-time in social media if identifying and addressing different segments separately. Furthermore, as a result of context adaption this communication was rather informal and the practice can be considered to manifest positive democratic effects due to the increased availability and inclusion.

Keywords: e-government, social media, case study, discourse analysis

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Authors: Wafa Unus

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Science journalism has been vanishing from America’s national newspapers for decades. Reportage on scientific topics is limited to only a handful of newspapers and of those, few employ dedicated science journalists to cover stories that require this specialized expertise. News organizations' lack of readiness to convey complex scientific concepts to a mass populace becomes particularly problematic when events like the Covid-19 pandemic occur. The lack of coverage of Covid-19 prior to its onset in the United States, suggests something more troubling - that the deprioritization of reporting on hard science as an educational tool in favor of political frames of coverage, places dangerous blinders on the American public. This research looks at the disparity between voices of health and science experts in news articles and the voices of political figures, in order to better understand the approach of American newspapers in conveying expert opinion on Covid-19. A content analysis of 300 articles on Covid-19 by major newspapers in the United States between January 1st, 2020 and April 30th, 2020 illuminates this investigation. The Boston Globe, the New York Times, and the Los Angeles Times are included in the content analysis. Initial findings reveal a significant disparity in the number of articles that mention Anthony Fauci, the director of the National Institute Allergy and Infectious Disease, and the number that make reference to political figures. Covid-related articles in the New York Times that focused on health topics (as opposed to economic or social issues) contained the voices of 54 different politicians who were mentioned a total of 608 times. Only five members of the scientific community were mentioned a total of 24 times (out of 674 articles). In the Boston Globe, 36 different politicians were mentioned a total of 147 times, and only two members of the scientific community, one being Anthony Fauci, were mentioned a total of nine times (out of 423 articles). In the Los Angeles Times, 52 different politicians were mentioned a total of 600 times, and only six members of the scientific community were included and were mentioned a total of 82 times with Fauci being mentioned 48 times (out of 851 articles). Results provide a better understanding of the frames in which American journalists in Covid hotspots conveyed information of expert analysis on Covid-19 during one of the most pressing news events of the century. Ultimately, the objective of this study is to utilize the exploratory data to evaluate the nature, extent and impact of Covid-19 reporting in the context of trustworthiness and scientific expertise. Secondarily, this data will illuminate the degree to which Covid-19 reporting focused on politics over science.

Keywords: science reporting, science journalism, covid, misinformation, news

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Authors: Santiago Martínez Hernández

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The establishment of the European Union signified the culmination of the supra-national power addressing economic, political, legal and humanitarian matters within and above a national territory. Human rights have taken a protagonist role as one of the pressing concerns that the EU addresses, and one of the most critical problems is that of human trafficking. This multi-billion dollar criminal business represents $31.6 per year made out of 2.5 million trafficked persons worldwide, making it one of the most crucial human rights problems in the world to address. The EU has developed strategies to tackle this issue through supra-national governance, however, how have they fared? What is the impact of its development on the issue? This paper will address the direct and indirect impact of the formation of the European Union as a supranational political and economic entity on the illicit industry of human trafficking in Europe. It attempts to analyse first, the situation of human trafficking in Europe, as an attempt to understand its importance in the region, addressing its root causes and the role of the states addressed. Second, the paper will examine the impact of the EU on human breaking down its policy-making at a supranational level, the role of the economic integration of the region, and the change of migration patterns since its inception.

Keywords: human trafficking, human rights, European union, criminal business

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Authors: Ismatilla Mardanov

Abstract:

There are three types of countries, the first of which is willing to attract foreign direct investment (FDI) in enormous amounts and do whatever it takes to make this happen. Therefore, FDI pours into such countries. In the second cluster of countries, even if the country is suffering tremendously from the shortage of investments, the governments are hesitant to attract investments because they are at the hands of local oligarchs/cartels. Therefore, FDI inflows are moderate to low in such countries. The third type is countries whose companies prefer investing in the most efficient locations globally and are hesitant to invest in the homeland. Sorting countries into such clusters, the present study examines the essential institutions and economic factors that make these countries different. Past literature has discussed various determinants of FDI in all kinds of countries. However, it did not classify countries based on government motivation, institutional setup, and economic factors. A specific approach to each target country is vital for corporate foreign direct investment risk analysis and decisions. The research questions are 1. What specific institutional and economic factors paint the pictures of the three clusters; 2. What specific institutional and economic factors are determinants of FDI; 3. Which of the determinants are endogenous and exogenous variables? 4. How can institutions and economic and political variables impact corporate investment decisions Hypothesis 1: In the first type, country institutions and economic factors will be favorable for FDI. Hypothesis 2: In the second type, even if country economic factors favor FDI, institutions will not. Hypothesis 3: In the third type, even if country institutions favorFDI, economic factors will not favor domestic investments. Therefore, FDI outflows occur in large amounts. Methods: Data come from open sources of the World Bank, the Fraser Institute, the Heritage Foundation, and other reliable sources. The dependent variable is FDI inflows. The independent variables are institutions (economic and political freedom indices) and economic factors (natural, material, and labor resources, government consumption, infrastructure, minimum wage, education, unemployment, tax rates, consumer price index, inflation, and others), the endogeneity or exogeneity of which are tested in the instrumental variable estimation. Political rights and civil liberties are used as instrumental variables. Results indicate that in the first type, both country institutions and economic factors, specifically labor and logistics/infrastructure/energy intensity, are favorable for potential investors. In the second category of countries, the risk of loss of assets is very high due to governmentshijacked by local oligarchs/cartels/special interest groups. In the third category of countries, the local economic factors are unfavorable for domestic investment even if the institutions are well acceptable. Cluster analysis and instrumental variable estimation were used to reveal cause-effect patterns in each of the clusters.

Keywords: foreign direct investment, economy, institutions, instrumental variable estimation

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