Search results for: islamic political parties

Authors: Edward Y. W. Chu

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This paper exemplifies how the political and educational considerations have shaped the heavy-handed MOI policy in Hong Kong after its handover to China in 1997. Its result, a significant degeneration of English standard among the non-elite students, will be reported based on a detailed analysis of the public exam statistics available and other empirical studies. The remedial action taken by the Education Bureau out of the economic and educational considerations will be reported with reference to the official documents. The political, economic and educational considerations exemplified in different stages of Mother-tongue MOI policy in Hong Kong are found to be influential in the MOI policy in other Asian countries as well. For example, out of rapid internationalization and marketization, there has been increasing adoption of English as the MOI in post-secondary institutions in China, Japan & South Korea. On the other hand, while colonial languages were firmly made as the MOI in former colonies such as Vietnam and India, they were greatly retrieved upon independence for political and educational reasons. Malaysia also followed the same pattern upon independence but re-introduced partial English MOI policy in late 90s hoping to capitalize favourable globalization benefits. The short-lived policy was abandoned in 2009 because of the perceived political threat of national identity as well as the lack of educational effectiveness. Based on the great majority of Asian countries studied, this paper argues that MOI policy in Asia is much more than an educational issue, and that there is a clear pattern of how decisions of MOI matters are made. Studying the history and development of MOI in Hong Kong and other Asian countries provides a unique angle to view of how Asian countries prepare for the political, economic and educational challenges nowadays.

Keywords: economics, Hong Kong, medium of instruction, politics

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Authors: Abdul Walid Ali

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The trend of publishing political musicals in Istana Budaya has been popular since 2007 when Malaysia celebrated its 50th anniversary of independence. Istana Budaya has at least one musical of any politician since then. Normally, the politicians are former Prime Ministers and renowned ministers prior to Malaysia's independence in 1957. The first performance in Istana Budaya which represented a politician as a theme was Muzikal Cheng Lock (2007) followed by Muzikal Tun Abdul Razak (2009), Muzikal Tun Mahathir (2010), and Muzikal Tun Mahathir 2 (2011). In 2012, Lawak Ke Der has changed the trend with comic performance and put an end to politician musical. Tun Siti Hasmah the Musical (2012) is not listed in the research because she did not hold any position as a minister. This qualitative research focuses on musicals of political figures as a theme. Some factors of making this type of performance are analyzed based on Istana Budaya’s decisions during that time in Malaysia between 2007 and 2011. This research aims to document these musical themed performances in Istana Budaya for further research in the future. Political performances are listed and analyzed from 2007 to 2012 based on reports and previous research. The declination of audiences in 2012 and a new theme in theatre performances in Istana Budaya are important factors for the downfall of the political theatres' theme.

Keywords: musical, politician, Istana Budaya, theatre

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Authors: Kazeem Oluwatoyin Ajape

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The study is concerned with the problem of how to improve the teaching of Arabic as a foreign language in Nigerian Higher Education System. The paper traces the historical background of Arabic education in Nigeria and also outlines the problems facing the language in Nigerian Institutions. It lays down some of the essential foundation work necessary for bringing about systematic and constructive improvements in the Teaching of Arabic as a Foreign Language (TAFL) by giving answers to the following research questions: what is the appropriate medium of instruction in teaching a foreign or second language? What is the position of English language in the teaching and learning of Arabic/Islamic education? What is the relevance of the present curriculum of Arabic /Islamic education in Nigerian institutions to the contemporary society? A survey of the literature indicates that a revolution is currently taking place in FL teaching and that a new approach known as the Communicative Approach (CA), has begun to emerge and influence the teaching of FLs in general, over the last decade or so. Since the CA is currently being adapted to the teaching of most major FLs and since this revolution has not yet had much impact on TAPL, the study explores the possibility of the application of the CA to the teaching of Arabic as a living language and also makes recommendations towards the development of the language in Nigerian Institutions of Higher Learning.

Keywords: Arabic Language, foreign language, Nigerian institutions, curriculum, communicative approach

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Authors: Priya Sepaha

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Commercial Surrogacy refers to a contract in which a woman carries a pregnancy for intended parents. There are two types of surrogacy; first, Traditional Surrogacy, in which, sperm of the donor or father is artificially inseminated in the women and carries the fetus till birth. Second, Gestational Surrogacy, in which the egg and sperm of the intended parent are collected for artificial fertilization through In Vitro Fertilization (IVF) technique and after the embryo formation, it is transferred into the womb of a surrogate mother with the help of Assisted Reproductive Technique. Surrogacy has become so widespread in India that it has now been nicknamed the "rent-a-womb" capital of the world due to relatively low cost and lack of stringent regulatory legalisation. The legal aspects surrounding surrogacy are complex, diverse and mostly unsettled. Although this appears to be beneficial for the parties concerned, there are certain sensitive issues which need to be addressed to ensure ample protection to all stakeholders. Commercial surrogacy is an emerging business and a new means of human trafficking particularly in India. Poor and illiterate women are often lured in such deals by their spouse or broker for earning easy money. Traffickers also use force, fraud, or coercion at times to intimidate the probable surrogate mothers. A major chunk of money received from covert surrogacy agreement is taken away by the brokers. The Law Commission of India has specifically reviewed the issue as India is emerging as a major global surrogacy destination. The Supreme Court of India held in the Manji's case in 2008, that commercial surrogacy can be permitted with certain restrictions but had directed the Legislature to pass an appropriate Law for governing Surrogacy in India. The draft Assisted Reproductive Technique (ART) Bill, 2010 is still pending for approval. At present, the Surrogacy Contract between the parties and the ART Clinics Guidelines are perhaps the only guiding force. The Immoral Trafficking Prevention Act (ITPA), 1956 and Sections 366(A) and 372 of the Indian Penal Code, 1860 are perhaps the only existing laws, which deal with human trafficking. Yet, none of these provisions specifically deal with the serious issue of trafficking for the purpose of Commercial Surrogacy. India remains one of the few countries that still allow commercial surrogacy. International Surrogacy involves bilateral issues, where the laws of both the nations have to be at par in order to ensure that the concerns and interests of parties involved get amicably resolved. There is urgent need to pass a comprehensive law by incorporating the latest developments in this field in order to make it ethical on the one hand and to curb disguised human trafficking on the other.

Keywords: business, human trafficking, legal, surrogacy

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Authors: Shivani Yadav

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The Study of terrorism lends itself to the constructivist framework as constructivism focuses on the importance of ideas and norms in shaping interests and identities. Constructivism is pertinent to understand the phenomenon of a terrorist organization like the Islamic State (IS), which opportunistically utilizes radical ideas and norms to shape its ‘politics of identity’. This ‘identity’, which is at the helm of preferences and interests of actors, in turn, shapes actions. The paper argues that an effective counter-terrorism policy must recognize the importance of ideas in order to counter the threat arising from acts of radicalism and terrorism. Traditional theories of international relations, with an emphasis on state-centric security problematic, exhibit several limitations and problems in interpreting the phenomena of terrorism. With the changing global order, these theories have failed to adapt to the changing dimensions of terrorism, especially ‘newer’ actors like the Islamic State (IS). The paper observes that IS distinguishes itself from other terrorist organizations in the way that it recruits and spreads its propaganda. Not only are its methods different, but also its tools (like social media) are new. Traditionally, too, force alone has rarely been sufficient to counter terrorism, but it seems especially impossible to completely root out an organization like IS. Time is ripe to change the discourse around terrorism and counter-terrorism strategies. The counter-terrorism measures adopted by states, which primarily focus on mitigating threats to the national security of the state, are preoccupied with statist objectives of the continuance of state institutions and maintenance of order. This limitation prevents these theories from addressing the questions of justice and the ‘human’ aspects of ideas and identity. These counter-terrorism strategies adopt a problem-solving approach that attempts to treat the symptoms without diagnosing the disease. Hence, these restrictive strategies fail to look beyond calculated retaliation against violent actions in order to address the underlying causes of discontent pertaining to ‘why’ actors turn violent in the first place. What traditional theories also overlook is that overt acts of violence may have several causal factors behind them, some of which are rooted in the structural state system. Exploring these root causes through the constructivist framework helps to decipher the process of ‘construction of terror’ and to move beyond the ‘what’ in theorization in order to describe ‘why’, ‘how’ and ‘when’ terrorism occurs. Study of terrorism would much benefit from a constructivist analysis in order to explore non-military options while countering the ideology propagated by the IS.

Keywords: constructivism, counter terrorism, Islamic State, politics of identity

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Authors: Jamal Abdi

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This paper is largely a response/critique of Samuel P. Huntington´s Clash of Civilizations thesis. The overriding argument is that Huntington´s thesis is characterized by failure to distinguish between ´groups´ and ´categories´. Multinational civilizations overcoming their internal collective action problems, which would enable them to pursue a unified strategy vis-à-vis the West, is a rather foundational assumption in his theory. Without assigning sufficient intellectual attention to the processes through which multinational civilizations may gain capacity for concerted action i.e. become a group, he contended that the post-cold-war world would be shaped in large measure by interactions among seven or eight major civilizations. Thus, failure in providing a convincing analysis of multi-national civilizations´ transition from categories to groups is a significant weakness in Huntington´s clash theory. It is also suggested that so-called Islamic terrorism and the war on terror is not to be taken as an expression of presence of clash between a Western and an Islamic civilization, as terrorist organizations would be superfluous in a world characterized by clash of civilizations. Consequences of multinational civilizations becoming a group are discussed in relation to contemporary Western superiority.

Keywords: categories, civilizations, clash, groups, groupness

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Authors: Syaza Bt. Saifuddin, Rashidi Bin Othman, Muhammad Hafizuddin Akmal Bin Md Hashim, Ismail Bin Jasmani, Noor Hanita Bt. Abdul Majid

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This paper illustrates the background of various concepts, approaches, terminologies used to describe the basic framework of an Islamic Hotel Room design. This paper reviews the theoretical views in establishing a suitable and optimum environment for Muslim as well as non-Muslim guests in hotel rooms while according to shariah. It involves a few research methodologies that requires the researcher to study on a few characteristics needed to create more efficient rooms in terms of social interaction, economic growth and other tolerable elements. This paper intends on revealing the elements that are vital and may contribute for hotels in achieving a more conclusive research on space planning for hotel rooms focusing on the shariah and Muslim guests. Malaysia is an Islamic country and has billion of tourists coming over for business and recreational purposes. Therefore, having a righteous environment that best suit this target user is important in terms of generating the economy as well as providing a better understanding to the community on the benefits of applying these qualities in a conventional resort design.

Keywords: design, Islam, room, shariah compliant hotel

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Authors: Samad Alipour, Khadije Mosavi Onlaghi

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Urmia Salt Lake (USL) is a hypersaline lake in the northwest of Iran. It contains halite as main dissolved and precipitated mineral and the major mineral mixed with lake bed sediments. Other detrital minerals such as calcite, aragonite, dolomite, quartz, feldspars, augite are forming lake sediments. This study examined the impact of weathering of this sediments collected from 1.5 meters depth and augite placers. The study indicated that weathering of tephritic and adakite rocks of the Islamic Island at the immediate boundary of the lake play a main control of lake bed sediments and has produced a large volume of augite placer along the lake bank. Weathering increases from south to toward north with increasing distance from Islamic Island. Geochemistry of lake sediments demonstrated the enrichment of MgO, CaO, Sr with an elevated anomaly of Eu, possibly due to surface absorbance of Mn and Fe associated Sr elevation originating from adakite volcanic rocks in the vicinity of the lake basin. The study shows the local geology is the major factor in origin of lake sediments than chemical and biochemical produced mineral during diagenetic processes.

Keywords: Urmia Lake, weathering, mineralogy, augite, Iran

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Authors: Nirmalasanti Pramesi

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In 2004 the CLD KHI Team offered several new ideas in the field of Islamic family law, such as marriage, inheritance (waris), and waqf. The new idea is based on six main principles; pluralism, nationality, human rights, democracy, maslahah, and gender equality. However, the existence of this has actually caused various criticisms, appreciations, and controversies. For this reason, CLD-KHI, as the idea of reforming family law, especially in the field of marriage, really needs to be studied academically with a comprehensive method as an unfinished problem. The main issues examined in this study are what are the ideas for reforming the law of marriage that have been formulated by the CLD KHI team, as well as how to implement Maqasid Sharia in legal reform. The methodology used in this research is a qualitative method with a normative-empirical-sociological approach. The results of this research show every substance of the idea considers aspects of locality, nationality, and global ethics. The Maqasid approach used in most of the legal provisions is moderate (wasati). Meanwhile, in matters of wali niqah and inheritance, it is adjusted to the context of Indonesian society.

Keywords: Maqasid syari'ah, CLD KHI, marriage law reform, moderate

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Authors: Tugba Ayas Onol

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The paper revisits Jean-François Lyotard’s interpretation of the Kantian Sublime as a tool for understanding politics after modernity. In 1985 Lyotard announces the end of rational politics based on consensus and claims that new strategies are urged to recognize the political imperatives of marginalized groups. The charm of the sublime as a reflective judgment is grounded on the fact that the judgment of sublime is free from any notion of consensus or common sense in particular. Lyotard interprets this feature of the sublime as a respect for heterogeneity and for him aesthetic judgments can be a model for understanding justice in postmodern times, in which it seems hard to follow a single universal law among different phrase regimes. More importantly, the Kantian sublime speaks to what Lyotard addresses as the incommensurability of phase genres. The present paper shall try to evaluate Lyotard’s employment of the Kantian notion of the sublime in relation to its possible political import.

Keywords: Kant, Lyotard, sublime, politics

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Authors: Sourina Bej

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Since the process of decolonization in 1940, several countries in South Asia have witnessed intra-state conflicts owing to ineffective political governance. The conflicts have remained protracted as the countries have failed to make a holistic transition to a democratic state. Nepal is one such South Asian country facing a turmultous journey from monarchy to republicanism. The paper aims to focus on the democratic transition in the context of Nepal’s political, legal and economic institutions. The presence of autocratic feudalistic and centralised state structure with entrenched socio-economic inequalities has resulted in mass uprising only to see the country slip back to the old order. Even a violent civil war led by the Maoists could not overhaul the political relations or stabilize the democratic space. The paper aims to analyse the multiple political, institutional and operational challenges in the implementation of the peace agreement with the Maoist. Looking at the historical background, the paper will examine the problematic nation-building that lies at the heart of fragile peace process in Nepal. Regional dynamics have played a big role in convoluting the peace-building. The new constitution aimed at conflict resolution brought to the open, deep seated hatred among different ethnic groups in Nepal. Apart from studying the challenges to the peace process and the role of external players like India and China in the political reconstruction, the paper will debate on a viable federal solution to the ethnic conflict in Nepal. If the current government fails to pass a constitution accepted by most ethnic groups, Nepal will remain on the brink of new conflict outbreaks.

Keywords: democratisation, ethnic conflict, Nepal, peace process

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Authors: Saimir Heta, Rialda Xhizdari, Kers Kapaj, Ilma Robo

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Background: The interests of both individuals involved, both the dentist with his professionalism, and the patient who claims and expects the proper professional dental service, are determined in cases of dental malpractice. The latter is a phenomenon that is also wearing the "cloak" of bilateral manipulations, which in themselves require strong legal control to regulate the relations between the involved parties. The two individuals are involved both individually and even professionally and emotionally, with support in the "ultimate" interests of the two people, which in the case of conflicts or grievances, which as a result are transported to the family or society of the affected individual. Main text: The reason for malpractice is the most difficult part to find and then to interpret. It can be professional in the view of "so much I know how to do, so much done", or in the view of the impossibility of individual health conditions to achieve high professional expectations. But, the reason can also be individual with the intention of doing bad without reason or with the source of an unhealthy mind and the source of malicious thinking. The professional himself is a human being and as such may be under the effect of individual treatments or vices, therefore causing misuse, a case that must be distinguished from intentional misuse and which must be judged for the results or damages caused by the professional based on criminal law. Conclusions: Malpractice in some cases may be unavoidable, beyond the good intention of the dental intervention, which should be well understood by both parties involved in this relationship. Malpractice is not necessarily related only to difficult clinical cases, but sometimes also appears as a random deviation of a dental treatment with a welldefined professional protocol. The legal support in the interpretation of malpractice cases should be much more specific according to previous cases, this practice specifically, perhaps also according to different religious states.

Keywords: dental ethics, malpractice, professional dental service, legal support

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Authors: Maryam Umar Ladan, Arshad Munir

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Poverty has always been a constant feature of society throughout history. It has existed in the lives of people and it is a fact that although the majority of people lives in poverty, the remaining minority lives in luxury. While some countries called the first World countries lives in luxury, the third World countries lives in poverty. It remains an undesirable phenomenon affecting a vast number of people across the globe despite governmental, institutional and private organizations’ interventions with measures aimed at cushioning its adverse effects. Unequal distribution of societal resources, accumulated wealth in the hands of few, lack of access to education and employment, individual responsibility among others, were highlighted as factors associated with poverty. Poverty predisposes the poor individual to malnutrition and starvation, exposure to disease, thereby resulting to violence, crimes, and experiencing lifelong problems. Evidence show that about 50 percent of the world population lives on less than 2.50 dollar a day, 90 percent of whom are from Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia including countries where Islam is the major if not one adherent religion. As a solution to poverty, Islam prescribes a system of annual Zakat (charity). The Islamic law prescribes that every person who has a saving that reaches a certain limit should give out 2.5 percent of the total annual earning (as in income, money, farm produce) to deserving and prescribed citizens. This is to, among others; reduce the level of inequality through distribution of wealth among the Muslim Ummah (community). Furthermore, Islam encourages the rich in several places in the Qur’an to spend their wealth on poor people other than the compulsory 2.5%. Therefore, it is inarguable that the Islamic system of distribution of resources (as zakat) is the best strategy to poverty eradication. Thus, strongly recommended for desired results in poverty eradication efforts. If every rich person gives Zakat sincerely, poverty will be eradicated in the world, and not a single person will die of want of food or material things.

Keywords: Islam, charity, poverty, zakat

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Authors: Duncan K. Espenshade

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Scholars have established expectations regarding how the political and economic interests of a country's people and elites can influence its migration policies. Most of the scholarship exploring the adoption of migration policies focuses on the developed world, focusing on the cultural, political, and economic influences that drive restrictive policies in developed countries. However, despite the scholarly focus on migration policies in developed countries, most internationally displaced people reside in developing countries. Furthermore, while the political and economic factors that influence migration policy in developed countries are likely at play in developing states, developing states also face unique hurdles to policy formation not present in developed states. Namely, this article explores how state capacity, or in this context, a state's de facto ability to restrict or absorb migration inflows, influences the adoption of migration policies in developing countries. Using Cox-Proportional hazard models and recently introduced data on asylum policies in developing countries, this research finds that having a greater ability to restrict migration flows is associated with a reduced likelihood of adopting liberal asylum policies. Future extensions of this project will explore the adoption of asylum policies as a two-stage process, in which the available decision set of political actors is first constrained by a state's restrictive and absorptive capacity in the first stage, with the political, economic, and cultural factors influencing the policy adopted in the second stage.

Keywords: state capacity, international relations, foreign policy, migration

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Authors: Tunde Ope-Davies

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Transmediality and platformization as online content-sharing protocols have continued to accentuate the growing impact of the unprecedented digital revolution across the world. The rapid transformation across all sectors as a result of this revolution has continued to spotlight the increasing importance of new media technologies in redefining and reshaping the rhythm and dynamics of our private and public discursive practices. Equally, social and political activities are being impacted daily through the creation and transmission of political discourse content through multi-channel platforms such as mobile telephone communication, social media networks and the internet. It has been observed that digital platforms have become central to the production, processing, and distribution of multimodal social data and cultural content. The platformization paradigm thus underpins our understanding of how digital platforms enhance the production and heterogenous distribution of media and cultural content through these platforms and how this process facilitates socioeconomic and political activities. The use of multiple digital platforms to share and transmit political discourse material synchronously and asynchronously has gained some exciting momentum in the last few years. Nigeria’s 2023 general elections amplified the usage of social media and other online platforms as tools for electioneering campaigns, socio-political mobilizations and civic engagement. The study, therefore, focuses on transmedia and platformed political discourse as a new strategy to promote political candidates and their manifesto in order to mobilize support and woo voters. This innovative transmedia digital discourse model involves a constellation of online texts and images transmitted through different online platforms almost simultaneously. The data for the study was extracted from the 2023 general elections campaigns in Nigeria between January- March 2023 through media monitoring, manual download and the use of software to harvest the online electioneering campaign material. I adopted a discursive-analytic qualitative technique with toolkits drawn from a computer-mediated multimodal discourse paradigm. The study maps the progressive development of digital political discourse in this young democracy. The findings also demonstrate the inevitable transformation of modern democratic practice through platform-dependent and transmedia political discourse. Political actors and media practitioners now deploy layers of social media network platforms to convey messages and mobilize supporters in order to aggregate and maximize the impact of their media campaign projects and audience reach.

Keywords: social media, digital humanities, political discourse, platformized discourse, multimodal discourse

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Authors: Sulihantoro, Muhamad Irga Fahreza

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Age of onset of the crisis makes more advanced understanding of the values of Islam that has been etched in architectural design. The majority Muslim mosque architecture designing buildings when they designed the architecture of Islam has always stuck in a cultural symbol, the shape of the facade, carving calligraphy, and all things that are closely related to the culture of the Middle East. As well as the interpretation of symbols, by designing a dome in every mosque, calligraphy carvings inside the mosque, and the other elements in the building which is interpreted by middle eastern culture. So here we have a problem understanding the meaning of Islam with kaf fah (overall), which appears distorted understanding to distinguish between cultural values and theological in design. This paper will try to evaluate the design of a contemporary mosque in Indonesia, with a case study in Masjid Kauman Yogyakarta Indonesia. building characteristics focused on the function of the building, history, aesthetics, comfort, and safety. The results of this study should be found on the evaluation of the integrated design of contemporary mosques are based on a study of the Quran and Hadith.

Keywords: characteristics, Islamic concept, culture, Kauman Mosque

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Authors: Haitham A. Haloush

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Debtors' imprisonment in Jordan is a problematic issue since it impinges upon required financial guarantees that are presumably offered by debtors on the one hand, and infringes flagrantly the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights on the other hand. Jordan lacks regulatory provisions in this respect and debtors' imprisonment is indirectly exercised in Jordan without giving a special legal attention to this concern. From this perspective, this research reviews the available regulations, standard laws and codes of conduct that might guide the implementation of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights in the Jordanian context. Furthermore, this article will examine the suitability of the Jordanian legal system in providing sufficient protection for debtors. The author argues that there are serious obstacles in this aspect.

Keywords: the Jordanian civil code, the Jordanian execution law, imprisonment for debt, good faith, the Jordanian constitution, the international covenant on civil and political rights

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Authors: Justine Salam

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As a federal state, Canada’s constitutional arrangements regarding the management of natural resources is unique because it gives complete ownership and control of natural resources to the provinces (subnational level). However, the province of Alberta—home to the third largest oil reserves in the world—lags behind comparable jurisdictions in levying royalties on oil corporations, especially oil sands royalties. While Albertans own the oil sands, scholars have argued that natural resource exploitation in Alberta benefits corporations and industry more than it does Albertans. This study provides a systematic understanding of the causal factors affecting royalties in Alberta to map dynamics of power and how they manifest themselves during policy-making. Mounting domestic and global public pressure led Alberta to review its oil sands royalties twice in less than a decade through public-commissioned Royalty Review Panels, first in 2007 and again in 2015. The Panels’ task was to research best practices and to provide policy recommendations to the Government through public consultations with Albertans, industry, non-governmental organizations, and First Nations peoples. Both times, the Panels recommended a relative increase to oil sands royalties. However, irrespective of the Reviews’ recommendations, neither the right-wing 2007 Progressive Conservative Party (PC) nor the left-wing 2015 New Democratic Party (NDP) government—both committed to increase oil sands royalties—increased royalty intake. Why did two consecutive political parties at opposite ends of the political spectrum fail to account for the recommendations put forward by the Panel? Through a qualitative case-study analysis, this study assesses domestic and global causal factors for Alberta’s inability to raise oil sands royalties significantly after the two Reviews through an institutions, interests, and ideas framework. Indeed, causal factors can be global (e.g. market and price fluctuation) or domestic (e.g. oil companies’ influence on the Alberta government). The institutions, interests, and ideas framework is at the intersection of public policy, comparative studies, and political economy literatures, and therefore draws multi-faceted insights into the analysis. To account for institutions, the study proposes to review international trade agreements documents such as the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) because they have embedded Alberta’s oil sands into American energy security policy and tied Canadian and Albertan oil policy in legal international nods. To account for interests, such as how the oil lobby or the environment lobby can penetrate governmental decision-making spheres, the study draws on the Oil Sands Oral History project, a database of interviews from government officials and oil industry leaders at a pivotal time in Alberta’s oil industry, 2011-2013. Finally, to account for ideas, such as how narratives of Canada as a global ‘energy superpower’ and the importance of ‘energy security’ have dominated and polarized public discourse, the study relies on content analysis of Alberta-based pro-industry newspapers to trace the prevalence of these narratives. By mapping systematically the nods and dynamics of power at play in Alberta, the study sheds light on the factors that influence royalty policy-making in one of the largest industries in Canada.

Keywords: Alberta Canada, natural resources governance, oil sands, political economy

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Authors: Merve Ak Efe

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Youth branches in Turkey are one of the sub-fields where political ideologies are intersected with daily life practices. When the youth branches are examined within the framework of daily life practices, a social area can be defined where many types of capital turn into gains. The relationship between politics and capital is not only financial but can also be observed in the form of social, cultural, or emotional capital. This paper examines the political mobilization of young people who are members of the Youth Branch of the Justice and Development Party. The reason why JDP (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi) was chosen is that they have been the ruling party for twenty years, and there is a considerable number of young members within the party. Since Bayrampaşa is a district where JDP is politically active, This study is based on Bayrampaşa youth branches. The study examines how young people who are members of the party are mobilized and the everyday life practices and emotions underlying this mobilization. The data was collected through in-depth interviews with 13 young people, and the participant observation method was applied at the weekly meetings of the Justice and Development Party Bayrampaşa Youth Branch. Youth Branches represent a political space in which emotions turn into action for the young people who are involved in the party. During the field study at the micro level, it has been observed that the Bayrampaşa JDP Youth Branch hosted a transformation that incorporates political and social practices into modern tactics. One of the other results shows that being a member of youth branches causes a significant rise in social capital for young people. On the other hand, for the members with low cultural capital, there is an increase in social capital; however, an increase in cultural capital is not prominent.

Keywords: political mobilization, everyday practices, emotional capital, social capital, cultural capital

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Authors: Zouhir Gabsi

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The Arab Spring has had noticeable effects on Tunisia in socio-economic, political, and cultural terms. Few have predicted that the music of hip-hop and rap could engage with the socio-political situation in Tunisia, especially after the downfall of Ben Ali’s regime. Having survived as underground music since the year 2000, the genre of hip-hop and rap remains an aberration from the folkloric tradition. By adhering to the socio-economic reality of the Tunisian street, rappers attempt to claim authenticity mainly in both thematic and language uses, and by usurping the power of ‘space’ from the regime’s control. With the songs’ fast-paced rhythms, catchy phrases, puns, vulgarisms, and linguistic innovations using metaphors, hip-hop, and rap have struck a chord with Tunisia’s youth. Tunisia’s new social reality has allowed Tunisian rappers to express dissent and voice people’s despair over the socio-economic and political situation. This paper argues that rap artists use language as a vehicle to claim the authenticity of their message. It also explores how the performative nature of the language of hip-hop and rap interacts with the Tunisian culture and argues the power of music in the context of political and socio-economic grievances in post-Arab Spring Tunisia.

Keywords: Arab Spring, hip-hop, eevolution, Tunisia, Tunisian Arabic

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Authors: L. M. Hayyan ul Haq, Lalu Sabardi

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This research is aimed at exploring an appropriate regulatory model in coherencing a diametrical interest between the state, Adat legal community, and private interests in utilising and optimizing land in Indonesia. This work is also highly relevant to coherencing the obligation of the state to respect, to fulfill and to protect the fundamental rights of people, especially to protect the communal or adat community rights to the land. In visualizing those ideas, this research will use the normative legal research to elaborate the normative problem in land use, as well as redesigning and creating an appropriate regulatory model in bridging and protecting all interest parties, especially, the state, Adat legal community, and private parties. In addition, it will also employ an empirical legal research for identifying some operational problems in protecting and optimising the land. In detail, this research will not only identify the problems at the normative level, such as conflicted norms, the absence of the norms, and the unclear norm in land law, but also the problems at operational level, such as institutional relationship in managing the land use. At the end, this work offers an appropriate regulatory model at the systems level, which covers value and norms in land use, as well as the appropriate mechanism in managing the utilization of the land for the state, Adat legal community, and private sector. By manifesting this objective, the government will not only fulfill its obligation to regulate the land for people and private, but also to protect the fundamental rights of people, as mandated by the Indonesian 1945 Constitution.

Keywords: adat community rights, fundamental rights, investment, land law, private sector

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Authors: Suha Hassen

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This research aims to untangle the complexity of conducting face-to-face interviews with 80 ex-Islamic State fighters, encompassing three groups: local Iraqis, Arabs from the Middle East, and international fighters from around the globe. Each interview lasted approximately two hours and was conducted in both Arabic and English, focusing on the motivations behind joining the Islamic State and the pathways and mechanisms facilitating their involvement. The phenomenon of individuals joining violent Islamist extremist and jihadist organizations is multifaceted, drawing substantial attention within terrorism and security studies. Organizations such as the Islamic State, Hezbollah, Hamas, and Al-Qaeda pose formidable threats to international peace and stability, employing various terrorist tactics for radicalization and recruitment. However, significant gaps remain in current studies, including a lack of firsthand accounts, an inadequate understanding of original narratives (religious and linguistic) due to abstraction and misinterpretation of motivations, and a lack of Arab women's perspectives from the region. This study addresses these gaps by exploring the cultural, religious, and historical complexities that shape the narratives of ex-ISIS fighters. The paper will showcase three distinct cases: one French prisoner, one Moroccan fighter, and a local Iraqi, illustrating the diverse motivations and experiences that contribute to joining and leaving extremist groups. The findings provide valuable insights into the nuanced dynamics of radicalization, emphasizing the need for gender-sensitive approaches in counter-terrorism strategies and deradicalization programs. Importantly, this research has practical implications for counter-narrative policies and early-stage prevention of radicalization. By understanding the narratives used by ex-fighters, policymakers can develop targeted counter-narratives that disrupt recruitment efforts. Additionally, insights into the mechanisms of radicalization can inform early intervention programs, helping to identify and support at-risk individuals before they become entrenched in extremist ideologies. Ultimately, this research enhances our understanding of the individual experiences of ex-ISIS fighters and calls for a reevaluation of the narratives surrounding women’s roles in extremism and recovery.

Keywords: Arab women in extremism, counter-narrative policy, ex-ISIS fighters in Iraq, radicalization

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Authors: Georgios Samaras

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New media such as Facebook, YouTube and Twitter introduced the world to a new era of instant communication. An era where online interactions could replace a lot of offline actions. Technology can create a mediated environment in which participants can communicate (one-to-one, one-to-many, and many-to-many) both synchronously and asynchronously and participate in reciprocal message exchanges. Currently, social networks are attracting similar academic attention to that of the internet after its mainstream implementation into public life. Websites and platforms are seen as the forefront of a new political change. There is a significant backdrop of previous methodologies employed to research the effects of social networks. New approaches are being developed to be able to adapt to the growth of social networks and the invention of new platforms. Golden Dawn was the first openly neo-Nazi party post World War II to win seats in the parliament of a European country. Its racist rhetoric and violent tactics on social networks were rewarded by their supporters, who in the face of Golden Dawn’s leaders saw a ‘new dawn’ in Greek politics. Mainstream media banned its leaders and members of the party indefinitely after Ilias Kasidiaris attacked Liana Kanelli, a member of the Greek Communist Party, on live television. This media ban was seen as a treasonous move by a significant percentage of voters, who believed that the system was desperately trying to censor Golden Dawn to favor mainstream parties. The shocking attack on live television received international coverage and while European countries were condemning this newly emerged neo-Nazi rhetoric, almost 7 percent of the Greek population rewarded Golden Dawn with 18 seats in the Greek parliament. Many seem to think that Golden Dawn mobilised its voters online and this approach played a significant role in spreading their message and appealing to wider audiences. No strict online censorship existed back in 2012 and although Golden Dawn was openly used neo-Nazi symbolism, it was allowed to use social networks without serious restrictions until 2017. This paper used qualitative methods to investigate Golden Dawn’s rise in social networks from 2012 to 2019. The focus of the content analysis was set on three social networking platforms: Facebook, Twitter and YouTube, while the existence of Golden Dawn’s website, which was used as a news sharing hub, was also taken into account. The content analysis included text and visual analyses that sampled content from their social networking pages to translate their political messaging through an ideological lens focused on extreme-right populism. The absence of hate speech regulations on social network platforms in 2012 allowed the free expression of those heavily ultranationalist and populist views, as they were employed by Golden Dawn in the Greek political scene. On YouTube, Facebook and Twitter, the influence of their rhetoric was particularly strong. Official channels and MPs profiles were investigated to explore the messaging in-depth and understand its ideological elements.

Keywords: populism, far-right, social media, Greece, golden dawn

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Authors: Deretha Bester

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This research employs a theoretical framework to investigate the interplay between factors that lead from predatory governance and predatory rule to military coups, utilizing the frustration-aggression theory as its guiding lens. It adopts a case-oriented approach and employs thematic analysis to examine the socio-economic, governance, and political environment that precipitated the August 2020 Malian military coup. Presenting seven key themes, it reveals how predatory rule and its manifestation in the Malian context was a critical factor in paving the way for the military coup. The study provides critical reflections into the historical, regional, and political dynamics reshaping Africa’s changing political landscape. It presents a conceptual model to comprehend how predatory governance fosters conditions favorable for military coups. Insights from the Malian case study offer valuable perspectives for analyzing events in comparable contexts. This understanding is crucial for grasping the precursors and impact of predatory rule and popular frustrations in contexts where military coups emerge.

Keywords: predatory rule, military coups, socio-political analysis, frustration-aggression theory, Mali

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Authors: Lutfurrahman Aftab

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The Taliban’s relationships with the neighboring countries are a complex political issue that local people interpret one way, and politicians have different perceptions; therefore, it is a current issue that needs to be analyzed broadly and impartially. In this article, the writer investigates the Taliban’s current relationships with the neighboring countries, as well as looking at the effects these relationships have on the current peace negotiations in Doha, which began on September 12, 2020. The issue of Taliban and the current peace process has turned to be the center-of-attention for most of the neighboring countries, and every country has opened new pages in their foreign policies because after the Taliban-US peace agreement, the neighboring countries are meticulously and closely observing the situation and they believe that the Taliban are on the verge to tighten their grips on the future political power of Afghanistan. Every neighboring country of Afghanistan has political, economic, and social interests in this land-locked country. The Taliban’s current role within the peace talks and anticipated future position within the Afghan government will have great political, economic, and social implications on countries in the region as they assess their foreign policies. As these countries move to form closer ties with the Taliban, the government of Afghanistan is worried that this may hinder the peace process. Afghanistan has long blamed Pakistan for sheltering the Taliban and providing safe havens for the terrorist groups, including Al Qaeda, and the recent visits of Taliban’s delegations to Islamabad, Pakistan, have raised concern among government officials in Afghanistan who believe that the Taliban are not independent in their decisions, and for every step they take, are consulting with Pakistan’s political leadership.

Keywords: peace process, USA, Afghanistan, Taliban

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Authors: Grace Anweh, Patience Achakpa-ikyo

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The issue of women unfavourable representation in the mass media is long standing. While it is a worldwide problem, developing countries in Africa especially Nigeria are considered peculiar. This paper, ‘mass media representation and the status of women in the 2015, general elections in Nigeria’ therefore aimed to assess the current trend of role playing in the mass media and how this has affected general status of women in Nigeria politics with particular reference to the 2015 general elections. The study employed a review of secondary literature and data regarding previous performances of Nigeria women in politics from 1999 to 2015 and the picture that has been paid by Nigerian mass media about women. Anchoring the paper on the agenda setting theory of the mass media, the paper analysed secondary literature and discovered that from 1999 to date, women have been participating in politics but rather than improve their status in elective offices, the percentage of women for such offices is rather declining. This trend the paper concluded is attributed to the way and manner women are represented in the mass media - as not good for policy making offices except as kitchen and home managers. The paper therefore recommends that, the country should adopt the quota allocation for all the political parties in order to give women a chance to compete with their male counterparts. While women should strive towards the managerial and ownership of media houses in order to represent the interest of women in politics thus offering the opportunity for the favourable representation of women and role models for those who may want to tour a similar part.

Keywords: mass media, media representation, Nigeria elections, women

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Authors: Inga Žukovaitė

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This work aims to present postdoc research on remote criminal proceedings in court in order to streamline the proceedings and, at the same time, ensure the effective participation of the parties in criminal proceedings and the court's obligation to administer substantive and procedural justice. This study tests the hypothesis that remote criminal proceedings do not in themselves violate the fundamental principles of criminal procedure; however, their implementation must ensure the right of the parties to effective legal remedies and a fair trial and, only then, must address the issues of procedural economy, speed and flexibility/functionality of the application of technologies. In order to ensure that changes in the regulation of criminal proceedings are in line with fair trial standards, this research will provide answers to the questions of what conditions -first of all, legal and only then organisational- are required for remote criminal proceedings to ensure respect for the parties and enable their effective participation in public proceedings, to create conditions for quality legal defence and its accessibility, to give a correct impression to the party that they are heard and that the court is impartial and fair. It also seeks to present the results of empirical research in the courts of Lithuania that was made by using the interview method. The research will serve as a basis for developing a theoretical model for remote criminal proceedings in the EU to ensure a balance between the intention to have innovative, cost-effective, and flexible criminal proceedings and the positive obligation of the State to ensure the rights of participants in proceedings to just and fair criminal proceedings. Moreover, developments in criminal proceedings also keep changing the image of the court itself; therefore, in the paper will create preconditions for future research on the impact of remote criminal proceedings on the trust in courts. The study aims at laying down the fundamentals for theoretical models of a remote hearing in criminal proceedings and at making recommendations for the safeguarding of human rights, in particular the rights of the accused, in such proceedings. The following criteria are relevant for the remote form of criminal proceedings: the purpose of judicial instance, the legal position of participants in proceedings, their vulnerability, and the nature of required legal protection. The content of the study consists of: 1. Identification of the factual and legal prerequisites for a decision to organise the entire criminal proceedings by remote means or to carry out one or several procedural actions by remote means 2. After analysing the legal regulation and practice concerning the application of the elements of remote criminal proceedings, distinguish the main legal safeguards for protection of the rights of the accused to ensure: (a) the right of effective participation in a court hearing; (b) the right of confidential consultation with the defence counsel; (c) the right of participation in the examination of evidence, in particular material evidence, as well as the right to question witnesses; and (d) the right to a public trial.

Keywords: remote criminal proceedings, fair trial, right to defence, technology progress

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Authors: Muhammad Adil

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Women in different parts of the world confront several barriers to accomplishing their legal rights, particularly political rights. One of the common barriers in this respect is the indigenous culture of the locality. In the same way, women in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa are facing difficulties in accomplishing their political rights. The most significant obstacle in this context is Pakhtunwali, the traditional code of conduct in Pakhtun society, which is perceived as a substantial impediment for Pakhtun women in practicing their political rights as guaranteed by the Constitution of Pakistan and international legal instruments. Several codes of Pakhtunwali, like peghor (slander or abuse), tor (blame or disgraced), sharam (shame and dishonor), purdah (gender segregation), and ghayrat (honor) have a prominent role in this regard. The research approach employed a combination of both qualitative and quantitative methods to ensure a thorough exploration of the subject. Not only different documents have been analyzed but also a questionnaire has been developed to get accurate findings. Simultaneously, both primary and secondary data have been utilized. The finding shows that the Pakhtun culture is a formidable hurdle in accomplishing women’s political rights in Pakhtun society, particularly in rural areas. Observation reveals that a prevailing societal perception is that having women as their representatives would be viewed as a challenge to the honor of Pakhtun men. Consequently, women candidates who participated in the general elections in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa received only 1 percent or less than 1 percent of the votes compared to their male counterparts. It is recommended that certain codes of Pakhtunwali should be redefined and made compatible with international legal instruments.

Keywords: constitution, fundamental rights, honor, pakhtunwali.

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Authors: Wong Kean Hin, Kumarason A. L. V. Rasiah

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A building provides shelter and protection for an individual to live, work, sleep, procreate or engage in leisurely activities comfortably. Currently, a very popular term related to building was often stated by many parties, which is sustainability. A sustainable building is environmental friendly, healthy to the occupants, as well as efficient in electricity and water. This particular research is important to any parties that are involved in the construction industry. This research will provide the awareness and acceptability of Malaysian public towards sustainable residential building. It will also provide the developers about which sustainable features that the people usually want so that the developers can build a sustainable housing that suits the needs of people. Then, propose solutions to solve the difficulties of implementing sustainability in Malaysian housing industry. Qualitative and quantitative research methods were used throughout the process of data collection. The quantitative research method was distribution of questionnaires to 100 Malaysian public and 50 individuals that worked in developer companies. Then, the qualitative method was an interview session with experienced personnel in Malaysian construction industry. From the data collected, there is increasingly Malaysian public and developers are aware about the existence of sustainability. Moreover, the public is willing to invest on sustainable residential building with minimum additional cost. However, there is a mismatch in between sustainable elements provided by developers and the public needs. Some recommendations to improve the progression of sustainability had been proposed in this study, which include laws enforcement, cooperation between the both government sector with private sector, and private sector with private sector, and learn from modern countries. These information will be helpful and useful for the future of sustainability development in Malaysia.

Keywords: acceptability, awareness, Malaysian housing industry, sustainable elements, green building index

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Authors: Mahdi Karimi

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One of the most basic standards of fair trial is the right to defense, hire an attorney and its presence in the hearing stages. On the one hand, based on the reason and justice, as the legal issues, particularly criminal affairs, become complicated, the accused must benefit from an attorney in the court in order to defend itself which requires legal knowledge. On the other hand, as the judicial system has jurists such as investigation judges at its disposal, the accused must enjoy the same right to defend itself and reject allegations so that the balance is maintained between the litigating parties based on the principle of "equality of arms". The right to adequate time and facilities for defense is cited among the principles and rights relevant to the proceedings in international regulations such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. The innovations made in the Code of Criminal Procedure in 2013 guaranteed the presence of the accused’s attorney in the proceedings. The present study aims at assessing the result of the aforementioned guarantee in practice and made attempts to investigate the effect of the presence of accused’s attorney on reducing the punishment by asking the question and addressing the statistical population of this study including 48 judges of lower courts and courts of appeal. It seems that in despite of guarantees provided in the new Code of Criminal Procedure, Iran's penal system, does not tolerate the presence of an attorney in practice.

Keywords: defense attorney, equality of arms, fair trial, reducing the penalty, right to defense

Procedia PDF Downloads 334